WHITE PRISON GANGS

White Prison Gangs

2010-05-22T19:00:00.000-07:00

Aryan Brotherhood photo used in Federal trial

WHITE GANGS BEHIND BARS

The findings are summarized from a 2004 survey which asked the prison respondent to identify the name of a white prison gang. Table 1 presents the top ten white prison gangs in America today. The ranking system here is based on the extent of the problem across jurisdictions. For example, it should come as no surprise to anyone familiar with this problem that the Aryan Brotherhood gang is listed as the number one gang on this national list. The Aryan Brotherhood or AB’s have been documented in all 50 states, and this dates back over a decade. The book entitled The Hot House by Pete Earley is based on interviews from AB’s in the federal prison system and is a very accurate portrayal of the gang’s sophistication and its violent potential.

In the racially charged tension of the prison system in America, most white gangs are in a constant “state of war” with black and hispanic gangs. But, it should be stated that not all white gangs are racist. Perhaps we should say that even if they are racist, or have lots of racist members, such “non-racist” gangs may also have an alliance with black or hispanic gangs.

Table 1
Top 10 white prison gangs ranked by the level of their representation in the national gang problem behind bars

1. Aryan Brotherhood
2. Aryan Nations
3. Skinheads
4. Ku Klux Klan
5. Peckerwoods
6. Aryan Circle
7. White Aryan Resistance (WAR)
8. Neo-nazis
9. Dirty White Boys
10. United Aryan Brotherhood

Table 2
Top 50 white prison gangs in the USA (unranked)

1. Aryan Brotherhood - Nationwide
2. Aryan Brotherhood of Texas
3. Aryan Circle - South
4. Aryan Family
5. Aryan Nations
6. Brothers of White Strength - Connecticut
7. Christian Identity
8. Dirty White Boys - South, Midwest
9. Irish Mob - New York
10. Hammerskins - Nationwide, International
11. Ku Klux Klan
12. NLR - Nazi Lowriders - California, West, South
13. Neo-nazis
14. Northsiders - Illinois, Midwest
15. Outlaw Mafia
16. Oklahoma Aryan Brotherhood - Oklahoma
17. Pagans MC - Northeast
18. Peckerwoods - West, South
19. Simon City Royals - Midwest, South
20. Skinheads - Nationwide, International
21. Southern Brotherhood - Alabama
22. United Aryan Brotherhood
23. White Aryan Resistance (WAR)
24. World Church of the Creator
25. White Pride
26. Aryan Knights - Idaho
27. Aryan Warriors - Nevada
28. Blood and Honour
29. Caucasian Cartel - Ohio
30. Cincinnati Caucasian Cartel - Ohio
31. DOTAR (Defenders of the Aryan Race)
32. European Kindred - Oregon, West
33. Freight Train Riders Association (FTRA)
34. Hell’s Angels MC - Nationwide, International
35. Insane Gangster Disciples - Midwest, South
36. Iron Eagle Skinheads
37. National Alliance
38. Posse Comitatus
39. Saxon Knights - Indiana, Midwest
40. SAW - Silent Aryan Warriors - Utah, West
41. SAC - Soldiers of Aryan Culture - Utah, West
42. Sons of Silence MC - Midwest, South, Germany
43. Texas Mafia
44. White Pride World Wide
45. National Socialist Movement
46. White Knights
47. United Brotherhood Kindred - Michigan
48. Universal Aryan Brotherhood
49. Stone Mercenaries
50. Fourth Reich - Utah

* Dead Man Inc - Northeast, South
* PENI - Public Enemy Number One - California, West
* Krieger Verwandt - Utah
* Brotherhood of Aryan Alliance
* Chicago Gaylords - Illinois, Midwest
* 211 Crew - Colorado
* Wood Pile Gang - Colorado
* Hard Ass Crackers - Alabama

THE TOP WHITE RACIST “RELIGIOUS” FRONT GROUPS

One of the open-ended questions on the survey asked “what are the largest white racist “religious” front groups that are proselytizing to the inmates in your facility?”

Top 10 white racist “religious” front groups in American prisons today (ranked by frequency cited nationally)

1. World Church of the Creator (Creativity Movement)
2. Aryan Brotherhood (not a religion)
3. Aryan Nations †
4. Ku Klux Klan †
5. Asatru (Norse paganism)
6. Odinism (Germanic paganism)
7. Christian Identity †
8. Skinheads (not a religion)
9. Church of Jesus Christ Christian †
10. Wotansvolk Wotanism (David Lane's brand of Odinism)

Dallas Scott

2010-05-22T18:03:00.000-07:00

Bureau officials claim that Dallas Scott was a founding member of the Aryan Brotherhood.

In the outside world the tattoos would have made Scott look like a circus freak, but in Leavenworth they were badges of honor, particularly one tattoo cut directly under his heart. It was a cloverleaf with the numbers 6-6-6 printed over it. Even fish knew what the tattoo represented. It was the insignia of the Aryan Brotherhood, the most savage white prison gang ever formed. The three sixes referred to a mark given by "the beast" - the Antichrist, or son of Satan.

The bureau's gang expert, Craig Trout, explained. "What we are dealing with is a professional lifelong criminal... An AB member like Dallas Scott is actually doing a life sentence - only he's doing it on the installment plan, serving a few years at a time.

Of the prison gangs, the Aryan Brotherhood is the most secretive, and with good reason. Any member who betrays its secrets is automatically sentenced to die.

As we talked that morning, I noticed that Scott marked events in his life by prison incidents. "I hit the federal system the same year they executed the red Light bandit" he said. Seconds later, he added that something had happened. "About the same time as the race wars at San Quentin." When this was called to his attention, Scott shrugged. "Ive never had much concept of life outside jail. I was twelve years old the first time I went in and haven't really been out long enough to know anything else but this life."

"As the years go by and you get older, you realize more and more that your life is considered a failure by society's standards," Scott continued. "You are a jailbird. You don't have any money, no house, no job, no status. In society's eyes you are a worthless piece of ****. Now, you can buy into what society says and decide you really are a piece of **** or you can say ,"**** society, Ill live by my own rules. They aren't society's but they are mine and that's what I've done. In your society, I may not be anybody, but in here I am."

In 1966 he robbed a bank in California, was caught and sentence to San Quentin. At the time, San Quentin was in the midst of what prison officials now acknowledge was an all-out race war. The racial turmoil in the world outside prison, where fires were burning in Watts, Detroit, and Chicago, was magnified in San Quentin. Blacks and whites were stabbing one another, not because of anything anyone had done, but simply because of their skin color. "Your hate was at peak" Scott recalled. "Your adrenaline was at a peak, everything was at a peak level all the time. It was like a jungle. You'd get yourself fired up, so by the time the cell doors opened, you'd be ready. You'd have a whole head of steam. You didn't have time to analyze or rationalize or philosophize, you just got strapped (got yourself a knife) and went out of your cell and did what you had to."

It was in this climate that the Aryan Brotherhood was born. Bureau officials claim that Dallas Scott was one of its founding members. I asked Scott if he recalled the birth of the AB, and without acknowledging that he was a member, he explained why the gang had formed at San Quentin. He didn't hide his racial attitude. "Whites are everyones natural enemies," he said. "Minorities stick together, but the white man by nature walks alone. I've seen whites sit by and watch a bunch of ******s attack a white kid in a cell. These yahoos were sitting there and thinking, "Goddamn, I'm sure glad its not me being ****ed" but if one white guy had the courage to say 'hey leave the kid alone' and he stepped forward, then there was a good chance that the pack will back off. See people who herd together deep down are afraid of someone who has the balls to stand up on his own. Now I ain't saying that the white man who stands up ain't going to get his ass kicked. But when he stands up, he's letting everyone know that he's willing to do what it takes, and get killed if necessary, because he don't like what's going down, and that is intimidating to someone who runs in a herd like blacks do.

"At San Quentin the herds were getting out of hand and a bunch of old white bulls simply said "**** this" and they decided to stand up, and you can be damn sure that when these old bulls formed the tip (Aryan Brotherhood), there were a bunch of white guys, who either weren't strong enough on their own or were afraid, who were damn glad."

Scott's explanation, it turned out was largely based on fact. The Aryan Brotherhood originally formed to protect white inmates from being victimized by black and Hispanic prison gangs. The Black Guerrilla Family, a militant, black revolutionary gang with ties to the Black Panther party, was the first known prison gang, and was strong at San Quentin at the time. Chicanos were divided into two gangs: The Mexican Mafia, composed of urban Hispanics from Maravilla section of East Los Angeles, and their hated rivals, the Nuestra Familia (Our family), made up of rural Chicanos. The Black and Hispanic gangs preyed on whites, as well as on members of their own race.

A study by the criminal Intelligence section of Arizona Department of public safety later suggested that several outlaw bikers who called themselves the Diamond Tooth Gang were the forerunners of the Aryan Brotherhood. The gang members, each of whom had diamond shaped pieces of glass embedded in his front teeth, tried to recruit other whites at San Quentin but failed to attract sufficient "soldiers". Next came the Blue Bird gang, so-called because its members had bluebirds tattooed on their necks, but it didn't last. The Aryan Brotherhood was born when remnants of the Blue Birds joined forces with several neo-Nazi groups. It is unlikely that it would have survived, either, except for an unusual tactic adopted by its original members. Blacks and Hispanics had always relied on numbers for strength, and routinely pressured new inmates to join. The Aryan Brotherhood took the opposite tack. It based its membership on each others physical strength and willingness to kill. Anyone who wished to join the AB had to meet a "blood in, blood out" rule.

As soon as it was organized, members of the AB put themselves under what they called "kill on sight" orders. When the cell doors at San Quentin opened each morning, AB members were required to hunt down and attack black inmates regardless of whether they belonged to a gang. The white gang was convinced that the best way to keep other gangs at bay was to prove that the Aryan Brotherhood was the most ruthless and savage gang in prison.

California prison officials do not know the precise time when this kill on sight order went into effect. But in 1970, the California system began seeing a dramatic increase in gang related violence. Seventy nine gang related assaults and eleven deaths were reported that year. In 1971, there were 123 assaults and nineteen deaths and in the following years 186 assaults and thirty four gang related deaths. The Aryan Brotherhood was not solely responsible for the increases, but among convicts in San Quentin it did earn a reputation for being bloodthirsty. Its founding members, estimated by prison officials to be one hundred men, tolerated "zero disrespect" from other inmates. Even a casual comment about the brotherhood could result in a stabbing if members felt "their" brothers had been insulted.

Legend has it that the best and most respected AB warriors at San Quentin had tattoos of fierce Norsemen drawn on their arms. I noticed that Scott had a Norseman tattoo, among many others on his forearm.

When black militancy began to wane in the mid seventies, the various gangs decided to sign a truce. This brought to a close what convicts called the California race wars, but none of the gangs dispersed. The politically motivated Black Guerrilla Family was eventually replaced by the drug dealing bloods and cripps. The AB developed into an organized predatorial gang whose main interest became protection, extortion, and narcotics in prison. The white gang also began to specialize in contract murders for other gangs and individuals, Caltabiano wrote, maintaining its savage reputation. - excerpts taken from "The Hot House: Life Inside Leavenworth Prison," by Pete Earley. READ THE BOOK!

The book entitled The Hot House by Pete Earley, is based on interviews from AB’s in the federal prison system and is a very accurate portrayal of the gang’s sophistication and its violent potential.

TEXAS MAFIA

2010-04-20T14:17:00.000-07:00

TEXAS MAFIA

The Texas Mafia (TM) was founded in the Texas Department of Corrections in the early 1980s. Unlike most, the TM did not begin as a clique or a protection group before evolving into a prison gang. Instead, the TM identified itself as a criminal organization from the beginning. The group has maintained extremely close ties to the Texas Syndicate (TS).

Structure

The TM’s rank structure is loosely organized, but may consist of two ranking members who oversee the group’s activities statewide.

Misc.

The TM is predominantly comprised of white inmates.

Tattoos

The TM tattoo consists of the letters “TM” with one or all of the bottom tips of the
letters shaped like devil’s tails and/or arrowheads.

WHITE KNIGHTS

2010-04-20T14:06:00.000-07:00

WHITE KNIGHTS

The White Knights (WK) is a white supremacist group that was formed in the Texas prison system in May 1991. The gang is known to be active in the free world as well. The gang’s hierarchy is composed of five ranking elders who are known as “the Wheel.” Members of the Wheel coordinate the decision-making process on behalf of the organization. The gang’s motto is “Sworn to Protect, Never to Neglect” and its official colors are red, white, and black. The WK tattoos include the image of a knight in armor and other symbols common to white supremacist groups, such as swastikas and double lightning bolts.

ARYAN BROTHERHOOD OF TEXAS

2010-04-20T14:01:00.001-07:00

Aryan Brotherhood of Texas

The ABT was founded in the early 1980s when a group of white Texas inmates petitioned the California Aryan Brotherhood for permission to establish a chapter in Texas. Although the California Aryan Brotherhood refused the request, the Texas inmates still formed the ABT.

Since its founding, the ABT has made several attempts to change its name or hide behind the umbrella of a religious organization, such as the Aryan Reich or the Church of Aryan Christian Heritage. Although the gang experienced severe internal problems and a high dropout rate shortly after these unsuccessful attempts, ABT still remains a formidable group in and out of the Texas prison system.

Structure

The ABT is led by a steering committee comprised of five offenders, each of whom is responsible for a specific geographic area and maintains control of the group’s activity in and out of the prison system. The steering committee is also responsible for making all rules and regulations for the organization.

Misc.

Although the ABT uses “Aryan Brotherhood”in its name, it is not associated with prison gangs in other state and federal correctional facilities that use the same name. It is considered a Texas prison gang and uses the words “of Texas” to distinguish itself from other similar groups. It should be noted that ABT members are incarcerated in various state and federal prisons.

ABT uses a modified version of the Aryan Nations logo

Tattoos

The ABT insignia or tattoo depicts a shield with a Nordic dagger running through it, the letters “A” and “B” over the top of the shield, and the words “of Texas” located under the shield. All members are given the choice to put on the tattoo or not. Many have chosen to hide or disguise their tattoos in an effort to thwart detection by correctional and law enforcement agencies.

See also: Aryan Brotherhood; AB members & associates ; AB Trial 2006; Dallas Scott; Thomas Silverstein; Aryan Nations

Trivia

2010-04-19T22:14:00.000-07:00

Links

2010-04-19T20:40:00.000-07:00

www.GangsOrUs.com
Excellent website that covers all prison & street gangs.

www.ChicagoGangs.org
Street gang tattoos & data. It's important to note that most gangs originated in Chicago and California.

www.GangInk.com
More Chicago gang tattoos

Gangs.GlobalIncidentMap.com
Interesting website that displays current data on gangs & etc.

Gang Identification Posters

Mexican/Hispanic Gang Tattoos

Gang Identification Task Force websites

BLACK PRISON GANGS

LATINO PRISON GANGS

WHITE PRISON GANGS

Gang identification e-books

National Gang Threat Assessment 2009

Prison Gang Tattoo Recognition

Aryan Brotherhood FBI File

Aryan Circle FBI File

Gang Intell Poster-General 11x17

Gang Intell Poster-Aryan 11x17

Gang Intell Poster-Norteno 11x17

Gang Intell Poster-Sureno 11x17

Texas Gangs (recognition)

Gang Identification Posters

2010-04-19T12:25:00.000-07:00

Volksfront

2010-04-18T12:23:00.000-07:00

Volksfront

Volksfront is a white supremacist group that evolved from a prison gang, founded in 1994 by Randal Lee Krager and Richard Arden in the Oregon State Penitentiary. It has been called "neo-Nazi" and a "racist skinhead group" in press reports. The Anti-Defamation League has called the group "one of the most active skinhead groups in the United States." The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) has added Volksfront to its list of hate groups.

EXPANSION

Volksfront has expanded to four continents and seven countries: Spain, Portugal, Germany, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Official supporter chapters abroad exist in Croatia, Italy, Switzerland, and New Zealand. Volksfront has chapters in states such as Oregon, Massachusetts, Arizona, California, New York, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, South Carolina, Washington, Illinois, Missouri, Florida, Wisconsin, Nebraska, Michigan, Oklahoma, and Virginia. As of 2009, they had approximately 600 members worldwide.

A VF member that joined the gang in prison

ALLIANCES

The gang formed an alliance with the violent European Kindred prison gang in 1997 and has gained the support of the Hammerskin Nation and Aryan Nation.

INTELLIGENCE DATA

In 1994, the Volksfront is founded by Randal Lee Krager and Richard Arden in the Oregon State Penitentiary. (Gang Intelligence 101)

In December 2000, Volksfront members brutally attack an African-American man in Jacksonville, Florida. (Associated Press)

In April 1998, Volksfront member Brian Zauber is charged with ordering a brutal assault on three lesbian women in Arizona. (Associated Press)

In 2001, Volksfront members and Richard Butler of the Aryan nation host a skin head rally in Arizona. (Associated Press)

On January 25, 2003, five Volksfront members brutally beat a 17-year-old black youth in Vancouver, Washington. (Associated Press)

On March 23, 2003, several members of the Volksfront gang brutally beat and murder Randy Townsend, a black homeless man in Tacoma, Washington. (State v. Monschke, 135 P.3d 966 (Wash. App., 2006)

On June 4, 2004, Volksfront member Gabriel Kurtis Monschke is sentenced to life in
prison for the March 23, 2003 murder of Randall Mark Townsend.

In 2004, Stuart McBeth establishes a Volksfront chapter in Australian. (Associated Press)

On October 5, 2007, Volksfront and the Hammerskin Nation organize a skin head rally. (Associated Press)

Mongols MC

2010-04-10T11:42:00.000-07:00

COMING SOON

Aryan Nations

2010-04-10T08:45:00.000-07:00

Aryan Nations

Aryan Nations (AN) is a white nationalist neo-Nazi organization founded in the 1970s by Richard Girnt Butler as an arm of the Christian Identity group Church of Jesus Christ-Christian. As of December 2007 there were two main factions that claimed descent from Butler's group. Aryan Nations has been called a "terrorist threat" by the FBI, and the RAND Corporation has called it the "first truly nationwide terrorist network" in the USA.

The origin of Aryan Nations is in the teachings of Wesley Swift, a significant figure in the early Christian Identity movement. Swift combined British Israelism, extreme antisemitism, and political militancy. He founded his own church in California in the mid-1940s, and he had a daily radio broadcast in California during the 1950s and 1960s. In 1957, the name of his church was changed to the Church of Jesus Christ-Christian, which is used today by Aryan Nations churches.

From the 1970s until 2001, the headquarters of AN was in a 20-acre (81,000 m²) compound 1.8 miles north of Hayden Lake, Idaho. There were a number of state chapters, only loosely tied to the main organization. The group ran an annual World Congress of Aryan Nations at Hayden Lake for both AN adherents and members of similar groups.

August Kreis, an aspiring revolutionary with ties to the Aryan Nations, the Posse Comitatus, and the Ku Klux Klan, has reportedly attempted to forge an alliance between white supremacists and al Qaeda, hoping to exploit their shared hatred of the American government and Jews.

In September 2000, the Southern Poverty Law Center won a $6.3 million judgment against Aryan Nations from an Idaho jury who awarded punitive and compensatory damages to a woman and her son who were beaten with rifles by drunken Aryan Nations security guards in Coeur d'Alene, Idaho in July 1998. The woman and her son were driving near the Aryan Nations compound when their car backfired, which the guards misinterpreted as gunfire. The guards fired at the car, striking it several times, leading the car to crash, after which one of the Aryan Nations guards held the Keenans at gunpoint.

In February 2001, the group's Hayden Lake compound and intellectual property, including the names Aryan Nations and Church of Jesus Christ Christian, were transferred to the Keenans. The Keenans sold the property to Greg Carr, a Southeastern Idaho philanthropist who donated the land to North Idaho College, which designated it a peace park. The watchtower was demolished, and the church and meeting hall were burned to the ground during a firefighting exercise. Now tours are occasionally given on the property.

Until 1998, the leadership of the AN remained firmly in the hands of Butler, but he was over 80 and had been in poor health for some time. At the annual Aryan Nations World Congress, Neuman Britton was appointed as the group's new leader. In August 2001, however, Butler appointed Harold Ray Redfeairn from Ohio, who had been agitating for control since the mid-1990s. Previously, Redfeairn brought in Dave Hall, an FBI informant, who exposed the group's illegal activity. Afterwards, Redfeairn was distrusted by some in the group. Nonetheless, Redfeairn and August Kreis III, propaganda minister of Aryan Nations, formed a splinter group, and as a result were expelled from the organization by Butler. A few months later, Redfeairn returned to form an alliance with Butler. Redfeairn died in October 2003, and Butler died of heart failure in September 2004. At the time of Butler's death, Aryan Nations had 200 members. Butler's World Congress in 2002 drew fewer than 100 people, and when he ran for mayor, he lost, garnering only 50 votes against over 2,100 votes.

There are three main Aryan Nations factions. One is led by August Kreis III and Charles John Juba. In 2002, Kreis' group was on a 10-acre (40,000 m2) compound in the rural town of Ulysses in Potter County, North central Pennsylvania, which was host to the 2002 Aryan Nations World Congress as well as the Aryan Nations World Congress in July 2000. Juba resigned in March 2005, announcing his successor Kreis as the group's new leader, with a headquarters in Lexington, South Carolina. In 2005, he received media attention by seeking an Aryan Nations-al Qaeda alliance.

Another faction claims to have remained loyal to Butler's wishes after his death, continuing to call itself Church of Jesus Christ-Christian, led by Jerald O'Brien, and located in Coeur d'Alene, Idaho. Another faction relocated to Lincoln, Alabama. Jonathan Williams, Aryan Nations' communications director in Atlanta, claimed that the Alabama leader was Clark "Brother Laslo" Patterson. A new website lists two Coeur d’Alene residents, Jerald O’Brien and Michael Lombard, as leaders of Aryan Nations.

Like many other extreme racist groups, AN has produced many small, transitory subgroups. Rob Mathews formed a group called The Order, which committed a number of violent crimes, including murder. Their mission was to bring about a race war. Dennis McGiffen, who also had ties to the AN, formed a cell called The New Order, based on Mathews' group. The members were arrested before they could follow through on their violent plans.

Non-aligned members of AN later convicted of serious crimes include Chevie Kehoe, who was convicted of three homicides, conspiracy, and interstate transportation of stolen property. He had spent some time at the AN compound. Buford O. Furrow, Jr., the man accused of the 10 August 1999, shooting at the Jewish Community Center in Los Angeles, California, and the murder of Filipino American postal worker Joseph Ileto, also spent some time at the AN compound working as a security guard.

Prison Outreach

Since 1979, Aryan Nations was engaged in prison outreach. This is an important aspect of the Aryan Nations' agenda, given that so many members of The Order (Brüder Schweigen) and Aryan Nations are now serving long prison sentences. Aryan Nations corresponded on an ongoing basis with prison inmates through letters and the forwarding of its periodicals. In 1987, Aryan Nations began publishing a "prison outreach newsletter" called The Way, which has facilitated recruitment and connections between Aryan Nations and the Aryan Brotherhood.

Officer Clutts - USP Marion

2010-04-09T11:45:00.000-07:00

Merle E. Clutts

Staff Position: Senior Officer Specialist
Location: USP Marion
Last Watch: October 22, 1983

On the morning of October 22, 1983, Officer Merle E. Clutts was assigned to the Control Unit (H unit), when he was attacked (at about 10:30 a.m.) by inmate Thomas Silverstein Although handcuffed as he was escorted from a shower back to his cell, Silverstein broke away from his escort and ran to the front of another inmate's cell. This confederate freed Silverstein from his restraints and gave him a knife. Silverstein attacked Officer Clutts, who was fatally wounded, then surrendered to other staff. Inmate Silverstein received a life sentence for murdering Officer Clutts.

Of interest, inmate Silverstein was incarcerated at USP Atlanta when the Cuban Riot broke out in November 1987. Although initially freed by Cuban participants, he was later put in restraints and led to the front of the institution, where he was turned over to authorities by his fellow inmates. Inmate Silverstein is currently incarcerated under maximum security.

The murder of Officer Robert L. Hoffman later that same day in the same unit, was determined to be unrelated to Officer Clutts’ murder.

Officer Hoffman - USP Marion

2010-04-09T11:37:00.000-07:00

Robert L. Hoffman

Staff Position: Senior Officer Specialist
Location: USP Marion
Last Watch: October 22, 1983

On October 22, 1983, at about 8:30 p.m., Officer Robert L. Hoffman was assigned to the Control Unit (H unit), when he observed two officers under assault. Inmate Clayton Fountain was being returned to his cell when he broke free, obtained a knife from another inmate, and started to attack the two officers. Officer Hoffman left a safe area to render assistance, then was repeatedly stabbed by inmate Fountain. Two other staff members were injured before the inmate was restrained. Except for Officer Hoffman, the other staff victims survived their serious injuries.

While it is believed that inmate Fountain was inspired by the killing of Officer Merle E. Clutts earlier that same day in the same unit, this murder was determined to be unrelated.

At the time of his attack on Officer Hoffman, inmate Fountain was a military prisoner (U.S. Navy) serving two life sentences for murder. He was responsible for 5 deaths during the 10 years he had been incarcerated, and four deaths (including Officer Hoffman's) while in Bureau custody. Inmate Fountain received a life sentence and died at MCFP Springfield on July 12, 2004.

GITF FORUM

2010-04-03T13:27:00.000-07:00

Pagans MC President indicted

2009-11-10T18:18:00.000-08:00

Pagan's MC President, "Bart" Barbeito

Judge detains Pagans motorcycle club president
October 15, 2009
By Andrew Clevenger, Staff writer

CHARLESTON, W.Va. -- The national president of the Pagans Motorcycle Club will remain in custody while awaiting trial, a federal judge decided Thursday.

David K. "Bart" Barbeito, 49, of Myersville, Md., is one of 55 members and associates of the gang named in a sweeping, 44-count indictment unsealed last week. Prosecutors say Barbeito and other members of the group's ruling Mother Club led a criminal organization that controlled territory from New Jersey to Florida through violence and intimidation.

Stanley Needleman, Barbeito's Baltimore-based attorney, urged U.S. Magistrate Judge Mary E. Stanley not to get caught up in the outlaw biker mythology that surrounds motorcycle clubs.

Barbeito is a law-abiding, highly skilled professional who runs a successful construction business, not a renegade outlaw on a Harley-Davidson hell-bent on mischief and mayhem, Needleman said.

"He pays income tax. This is not a rolling stone," he said. "If he's a free spirit, then he's a free spirit. That doesn't make him a criminal."

Needleman acknowledged that Barbeito has been president of the Pagans since 1989, and participated in two Pagans events a year, he said.

"He's never going to run away from that. He has never done anything wrong," Needleman said, pointing out that Barbeito has no criminal record to speak of.

An Apache helicopter accompanied the FBI agents who searched Barbeito's compound, located less than five miles from the presidential retreat at Camp David, he said. The compound is gated to secure the expensive machinery, such as dump trucks and backhoes, that Barbeito uses in his business, he said.

Barbeito and his family can walk out of their door and hunt wild turkeys, which explained the 18 guns that agents found, he said.

Agents found four bulletproof vests; Barbeito and his children wore them when they hunted, Needleman said.

Assistant U.S. Attorney Steve Loew said the government does not believe that the guns, which included five handguns, one with the serial number removed, were used exclusively for hunting. He reminded the judge that one of the counts in the indictment alleged that another Pagan member who was a violent felon illegally wore a bulletproof vest.

"A deer don't shoot back," he added in response to Needleman's assertion about wearing the body armor while hunting.

Loew argued that as Pagans president, Barbeito could order his underlings to obstruct justice by intimidating and retaliating against witnesses.

"There are a lot of Pagans who are detained, but there are a lot more who are out there," he said.

FBI Special Agent Chris Courtright testified that Barbeito traveled to South Charleston in June 2003 to deal with a mini-rebellion by Charleston members who wanted to leave the gang. Barbeito told an unnamed confidential informant to guard the Charleston bikers with a shotgun while he and other Mother Club members questioned them individually, he said.

Needleman described the incident as a "mediation." Barbeito expelled the local members for selling speed, which was against club rules, he said.

In an unexpected move, Loew called William Grayson, who has been sitting in the gallery for several days while various defendants have had hearings, to testify as a witness.

Grayson is not named in the indictment. His brother, Michael "White Bear" Grayson, faces state kidnapping charges.

William Grayson said he was only there to help post bond for his brother. He did not want to proceed without an attorney, but Stanley instructed him to testify.

"Mr. Grayson, your obligation is to tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth," she said. If he felt he could not answer a question without incriminating himself, he should invoke his Fifth Amendment right, she said.

Grayson initially declined to say whether he was a member of the Pagans. Eventually, he acknowledged membership and that he was convicted on two counts of committing a violent crime in aid of racketeering following a 2002 clash between the Pagans and the Hells Angels.

According to news accounts, between 80 and 100 Pagans, many from Maryland and Pennsylvania, brawled with members of the Hells Angels in a Long Island catering hall that was hosting the Hellraisers Ball, a tattoo and motorcycle expo.

One member of the Pagans was killed, and 73 were arrested, Loew said. Floyd B. "Diamond Jesse" Moore, a St. Albans resident who is the Pagans national vice president, was one of the first to charge into building, he said.

Moore has likely lost his position because he is in custody, Grayson said.

"He's retired because he's locked up," he said.

"And you took his place?" Loew asked, but Grayson refused to answer.

Grayson also refused to say if he and his brother had ever been members of the Pagans' Mother Club.

"I feel that some way, somehow, that could be used against me somewhere down the road," he said.

Barbeito, Moore and the other defendants' trial is scheduled to begin on Dec. 15.

Operation Black Biscuit

2009-11-10T07:49:00.000-08:00

Operation Black Biscuit

Key Players in Operation Black Biscuit

Informers

* Rudolph "Rudy" Kramer, 46, president of Tijuana-based Solo Angeles4 motorcycle club, infiltrated Hells Angels chapters statewide as Confidential Informant #790. Convicted of weapons violation.

* Michael "Mesa Mike" Kramer, 38, former Hells Angels member, helped sting fellow bikers in Arizona and California as Confidential Informant #376. Pleaded guilty to murder.

Bikers

* Kevin Augustiniak, 24, member of Hells Angels charter in Mesa, indicted for murder, pleaded not guilty, trial pending.

* Paul Eischeid, 33, prospect with the Mesa chapter, also indicted for murder, pleaded not guilty, trial pending.

* Robert J. "Bad Bob" Johnston Jr., 48, former president of Mesa chapter, indicted for racketeering and conspiracy, pleaded not guilty.

* Michael Coffelt, prospect at Cave Creek chapter in Phoenix, shot during law enforcement raid; charge of aggravated assault dismissed with prosecution appeal pending.

Agents

* Jay "Jaybird" Dobyns, Tucson special agent with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives; posed undercover as member of Tijuana-based Solo Angeles; supervised informer Rudy Kramer.

* Joseph Slatalla, Phoenix ATF agent; also worked with Rudy Kramer.

* John Ciccone, Los Angeles ATF agent, supervised informer Michael Kramer.

The task force included six special agents with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, plus detectives from the Phoenix, Tempe and Glendale police departments.

Hells Angels Motorcycle Club

The Hells Angels Motorcycle Club maintains chapters in 23 states and 25 foreign countries. There are 126 members in Arizona, plus dozens more associates, operating under six charters.

The list includes one Nomad group with no home base, plus chapters in Phoenix, Mesa, Cave Creek (north Phoenix) Tucson and Skull Valley near Prescott.

Sources: ATF reports and U.S. District Court records.

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Hells Angels: The Federal Infiltration
The Arizona Republic ®
by Dennis Wagner
Jan. 23, 2005

The man's body lay crumpled in a ditch, face down, unidentifiable except for a blood-soaked leather jacket bearing the Mongols Motorcycle Club insignia.

Burly, tattooed bikers stood around admiring their work, taking digital photographs under a blazing sun.Among them was Jay "Jaybird" Dobyns, who had told Arizona Hells Angels associates in advance that he and a companion were going to Mexico to kill a rival Mongols gang member.

Two days later in a trailer near Prescott, Dobyns showed off the jacket and snapshots to admiring Hells Angels brothers, who announced that he would be adopted into the world's most notorious outlaw biker club without a required year-long probation.One of the men grabbed Dobyns and hugged him, saying, "How does it feel to be a Hells Angel?"

The answer came six months later in the form of handcuffs and a criminal indictment. That's how Hells Angels learned that the Mexico homicide was a theatrical ruse: The Mongol was really a federal agent covered with cow's blood and very much alive. Dobyns was a special agent with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, working undercover.

Operation Black Biscuit was touted as "...the most successful undercover operation ever pulled on an outlaw motorcycle club." In July 2003, three dozen Arizona suspects were charged with gunrunning, murder for hire and narcotics violations. Five months later, indictments charged 16 Arizona Hells Angels members and associates, including three chapter presidents, in racketeering, conspiracy, murder and drug dealing. Those arrests were synchronized with raids in Nevada, California, Alaska and Washington state netting scores of additional suspects.

Today, there is little doubt that investigators risked their lives to penetrate the club known for its death-head logo and tough-guy attitude, or that the Hells Angels Motorcycle Club across America's West was crippled. The National Association of Police Officers fetéd task force members with "Top Cop" Awards.

But officials failed to mention serious problems with bikers who worked undercover for the government during the two-year sting. One informer used drugs, beat people up and lied to his handler. Another was arrested by state police and had to be pulled off the street. Both received questionable plea deals.

While prosecutors and task force members declined comment, Hells Angels leaders and lawyers say Black Biscuit is a case study in the misuse of informers. As the case moves to trial this spring, records obtained by The Arizona Republic lend credence to that criticism and raise a question: Was Operation Black Biscuit an undercover success that took dangerous gangsters off the streets, an undercover sting that veered out of control or both?

The Informer

Hard-core detectives have a saying about going undercover: The best way to catch a sleazeball is with another sleazeball.

Operation Black Biscuit began, according to ATF Special Agent Joseph Slatalla, with a drug-abusing felon who belonged to the Solo Angeles, a biker club based in Tijuana. A search warrant affidavit written by Slatalla refers to the man only as "CW," initials for cooperating witness. But court papers submitted by defense lawyers identify him as Rudolph "Rudy" Kramer, 46, of Queen Creek, a pony-tailed biker with 10 aliases and a felony rap sheet. Federal agents and prosecutors have not released the identities of informers or commented on their roles in the case.

It is unclear when Kramer joined the Solo Angeles, but records show the sheetmetal worker moved to Arizona in the 1990s looking for a new life. According to a sentencing memo by defense lawyer James Park, Kramer found his answer in Jesus and a job making helicopters.

"He and his wife wanted, and began to have, a normal life..." Park wrote. "They attended church together...Rudy was on his way to walking away from his past and joining 'Middle America.'"

Instead, Kramer wound up walking into the arms of federal agents. Park blamed a sleeping disorder and a doctor's misguided prescription: Kramer, who suffered from narcolepsy, was given Desoxyn (methamphetamine) in September 2001 and promptly consumed a 40-day supply of pills in 48 hours. The result: psychotic behavior and an arrest by ATF agents for weapons violations.

Court records indicate that Kramer, with a baby at home and facing a long prison term, played the defendant's trump card: He agreed to become, in the criminals' vernacular, a "snitch", infiltrating outlaw biker gangs. In arraignment papers, a federal magistrate noted Kramer's long drug history and wrote, "Substance abusers, especially those who use meth, are inherently unreliable and untrustworthy."

That warning did not deter ATF agents. Two months after the arrest, charges were dismissed. Kramer was out of jail, on the loose and dealing in meth and guns again. Only this time he was operating under the color of law.

Getting in deep

As president of Solo Angeles, Kramer burrowed into Arizona's criminal biker world, making drug and firearm contacts in Tucson, Phoenix, Mesa, Bullhead City and Prescott.He was so busy, in fact, that a pair of Hells Angels intelligence gatherers showed up at his Queen Creek house in June 2002 and announced that they had been sent to interrogate him.

Kramer crafted an answer that appealed to the rivalry with the Mongols Motorcycle Club: According to ATF records, he said he was arming the Solo Angeles in Mexico to combat a Mongols chapter there. He also said he wanted the Solo Angeles in Arizona to collaborate with the Hells Angels on narcotics and weapons smuggling.

The story worked. In July 2002, Kramer met with Robert "Bad Bob" Johnston Jr., president of the Mesa club, and began introducing ATF agents as members of Solo Angeles to Hells Angels leaders statewide.Months of drug trafficking, gun dealing and partying ensued. Task force members set up undercover houses and used hidden cameras to film biker parties. They helped plan warfare with Mongols. They were offered drugs, frisked for wires and forced to strip before trafficking in methamphetamines and firearms.

One undercover agent got so tight with Hell Angels' leaders that Johnston treated him as a confidant, sharing information he hadn't even divulged to the club's Cice President. ATF records show that as operatives conducted black-market business for the investigation, Arizona Hells Angels chapters waged a secret recruitment competition, inviting the undercover agents to become prospects. They were guests at Hells Angels' funerals and weddings. They took part in an annual biker parade past Florence prisons.

They even posed for snapshots with Sonny Barger, the iconic king of outlaw bikers.Barger, who faces no charges in Operation Black Biscuit, declined comment except for a terse criticism of law enforcement tactics: "It's too bad they get away with what they're doing."

The Sting

In an undercover sting, security is essential. One slip-up could be fatal to informers and agents. And, as the case evolved, Rudy Kramer became a liability.

On Sept. 6, 2002, Department of Public Safety officers stopped his car near an Apache Junction meth factory and found drug paraphernalia inside. No new charges were filed, but within days the old firearm indictment was reinstated and Kramer was incarcerated. Word soon leaked from prison that Kramer was talking to federal agents behind bars. Johnston, the Mesa Hells Angels president, confided to an undercover operative that Kramer might have to be "shanked" in prison.

About that time, Hell Angels leaders in Arizona began hearing rumors from Southern California that the Solo Angeles in Arizona were imposters and should not be trusted.Black Biscuit task force members came up with an ingenious plan to ensure credibility. In mid-June 2003, Dobyns put out word that he and another Solo Angel were heading to Mexico to battle Mongols. After a murder scene was concocted in Phoenix, Dobyns called Arizona leaders of the Hells Angels to report that his lethal mission in Sonora was accomplished.

"The girl down here blew a head gasket.", he explained in code, adding that his companion was killed in the gunplay.The ruse solidified the Solo Angeles status with bikers.Meanwhile, Kramer filed a guilty plea in court and wrote a letter to the judge begging for leniency: "Your honor, I give my word I will never again come in contact with, own, buy, sell or in any way possess another firearm or weapon for the remainder of my life. I swear to you and my Heavenly Father, this is true."He was sentenced to five years in prison and vanished, apparently into protective custody.

Biker respect

Rudy Kramer wasn't the only government plant. Federal agents unwittingly signed up a murderer as well. On Oct. 27, 2001, the Mesa Hells Angel chapter held its weekly "church meeting": a membership assembly at the clubhouse in a residential area near the city's heart. After official business was completed, the bikers began to party. A Hells Angels prospect was instructed to go out and find women. He returned with 44-year-old Cynthia Yvonne Garcia, who joined the festivities.

As the evening progressed, Garcia began "talking trash" about club members and their patches. ATF reports say one of the bikers, 38-year-old Michael Christopher Kramer (no known relation to Rudy) grabbed Garcia by the hair and warned her be respectful. She kept lipping off, so Hells Angels member Kevin Augustiniak allegedly knocked her to the floor and began kicking her face, joined by Paul Eischeid, a prospect at the club.

ATF records say a semiconscious Garcia was loaded in the trunk of a car, driven to Usury Pass Road near the Salt River and dragged into bushes. Augustiniak and Eischeid purportedly stabbed her more than two dozen times. Michael Kramer heard gurgling noises and felt Garcia grab his pant leg. He was given a knife and slashed at her neck. Augustiniak allegedly tried to sever the woman's head, but failed. The corpse was found on Halloween.

Michael Kramer had been a Hells Angel for five years, and a member of Arizona's Dirty Dozen biker club before that. Yet, one month after the killing, he met with Los Angeles ATF Agent John Ciccone and, without disclosing his crime, offered to become an informer. It was an offer the lawman did not refuse.

Testifying at a federal drug trial in California, Kramer claimed he started working for the ATF to avoid prison and to be safe from his accomplices. "I got a conscience," he added. "...What happened out there in the desert was screwed up."

Despite pangs of conscience, Kramer told Ciccone only that he had information on a "hypothetical" incident in Arizona, without providing details. The upshot: On Dec. 1, 2001, the government enlisted a killer as a paid operative. Michael Kramer quit his job as a garbage-truck driver, moved to the San Fernando Valley and began to infiltrate the Hells Angels there, playing the role of an Arizona drug runner.

Federal taxpayers covered Kramer's rent, utilities and other living expenses. He was given cash to buy guns and drugs, plus an extra $500 a week. The informer contract prohibited him from breaking laws except when authorized by agents as part of the sting, a provision he ignored.

Behind Ciccone's back, Kramer repeatedly got high on meth and gave it to bikers, strippers and others. He beat a man with a baseball bat and left a biker dead on the freeway in a traffic accident. He also lured an untold number of people into drug deals.

Better Knives

Two months after Michael Kramer became a confidential informer, he offered to help solve the hypothetical crime in Arizona.He wanted immunity. Agents wanted to crack an unsolved murder case. A deal was struck.

Kramer came back to Mesa bearing a pair of expensive knives as gifts for his alleged accomplices. In a recorded conversation with Eischeid, he joked that sharper blades would make decapitation a breeze: "I figured this time, you know, instead of having to do it 50 times, we could just (take) one good one and a good (expletive) twist."

"Yeah," Eischeid agreed, "...these are (expletive) great knives."Kramer also brought a knife to Augustiniak, who discussed the likelihood of getting caught. "If you turn out to become a rat on the whole deal, well, then you'll get handled the way she was handled." he said."Same to you, brother." Kramer answered.

In January 2003, 14 months after Michael Kramer became an operative, he signed a plea agreement to serve five years of probation for murder, but not one day behind bars.Eischeid and Augustiniak, who pleaded not guilty, are awaiting trial.Family members of Garcia, the murder victim, could not be reached for comment.Michael Kramer was unavailable, apparently under federal protection.

Legal Battles

By midsummer 2003, Operation Black Biscuit had run its course. Top Justice Department officials decided to spring their enormous trap, raiding Hells Angels clubhouses, homes and businesses throughout the West. Hundreds of law officers were brought in to conduct searches, arrest suspects and turn the Hells Angels inside out.

D-Day was July 8. At 4:42 a.m., Glendale police SWAT officers with an armored vehicle and a videographer moved into position outside headquarters for the Hells Angels Cave Creek charter on a quiet residential street in north Phoenix. Club prospect Michael Coffelt was alone inside, on security duty, when bedlam struck. A voice yelled, "Police! Police!" The armored vehicle rammed through a wall. Officers shot a backyard dog. Flash-bang grenades sailed through the clubhouse window.

Coffelt opened the front door. Amid the confusion, Glendale police Officer Laura Beeler, stationed just outside with a rifle, pulled the trigger repeatedly, hitting Coffelt with bullets and shrapnel.The takedown, practiced at a mock clubhouse, lasted 14 seconds. Coffelt survived to face a charge of aggravated assault after Beeler reported he had shot first. A gun found beside Coffelt had not been fired.

Last month, Judge Michael Wilkinson of Maricopa County Superior Court ruled that the police raid was really an unlawful "attack" and dismissed charges against Coffelt, a decision being appealed by prosecutors. The judge found that Beeler's actions were understandable under the chaotic circumstances. Reviews by the Glendale Police Department and County Attorney's Office cleared the officer. Coffelt has filed a civil suit.

In the scheme of things, it was a minor victory for the Hells Angels. But club members and lawyers say the raid was symbolic of law enforcement practices throughout Operation Black Biscuit.

Truth by Trial

In Arizona alone, the government assembled 800 hours of bugged conversations, 92,000 phone calls and 8,500 seized documents to prove that Hells Angels is a criminal enterprise.

Investigators confiscated computers and files containing drug ledgers, membership lists, meeting minutes and bylaws. They seized 600 guns along with silencers, explosives, drugs, stolen vehicles, cash and a human skull. The combined evidence paints many Hells Angels as violent, cop-hating, drug-dealing, gunrunning criminals.

As the prosecution rumbles toward an April trial in U.S. District Court, some defendants are expected to cut plea deals. Others are trying to get charges thrown out because of government wrongdoing, especially the role of informers.

Defense attorneys argue that operatives who duped their ATF handlers may have entrapped Hells Angels suspects and are likely to lie under oath in court. They complain that task force members went on America's Most Wanted to brag about their big sting, yet prosecutors won't formally identify the snitches or divulge their deals.

"The conduct of the government violates, irreparably, the rights of the defendants to due process, to a fair and impartial jury.", defense attorney Mark Paige wrote.

Michael Kramer's character is especially problematic. In the California drug case, prosecutors were forced to admit that their paid informer used drugs, assaulted people and lied throughout the operation. If ATF agents cannot trust their operatives, Hells Angels lawyers ask, why should a judge or jury believe anything they say?

"Based on what I've seen, this is not a racketeering case," said Brian Russo, an attorney for Johnston, the Mesa charter president. "This is overstepping by the government."

In court papers, prosecutor Michael Kemp answered that informers were never asked to lie except as part of the sting. He said their testimony is backed by tape recordings, photos, statements from agents and physical evidence. He explained that agents appeared on America's Most Wanted for a legitimate purpose: seeking public help to track down fugitives. In short, Kemp argued, the deceit by informers is not grounds to squelch a huge criminal case.

Today, the Hells Angels Motorcycle Club appears to be a shambles: leadership behind bars, mystique broken, organizational records in government hands. Prosecutors are trying to gain ownership of chapter houses by having the entire Arizona club labeled a criminal enterprise.

Legal jousting continues from Las Vegas to Los Angeles and elsewhere. In Phoenix, Judge David Campbell of the U.S. District Court in Arizona has sided mostly with prosecutors. But it remains to be seen whether Operation Black Biscuit will go down as a historic undercover success, or a sting that went bad.

Dennis Wagner - The Arizona Republic ®

Jay "Jaybird" Dobyns

2009-11-10T06:14:00.000-08:00

Jay Anthony Dobyns (born 1961), alias Jaybird, is a United States Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) undercover agent who infiltrated the Hells Angels motorcycle club from 2001 to 2003. He was offered membership into the gang after faking the murder of a rival Mongols Motorcycle Club member and providing 'evidence' of the staged murder to Hells Angels leaders.

Dobyns became a New York Times Best Selling Author in 2009 following the release of his book No Angel - My Harrowing Undercover Journey to the Inner Circle of the Hells Angels (Random House ISBN: 978-0-307-40585-2 (0-307-40585-0).

Dobyns was born in Indiana and was raised in Tucson, Arizona. He graduated from Sahuaro High School in 1980 and the University of Arizona in 1985. He was an All-Pacific 10 conference wide receiver and was named to Arizona's All-Century football team.

Dobyns became an ATF Agent in 1987. After only four days on duty he was taken hostage and shot through the chest. His trauma surgeon was Richard Carmona, who later became the 17th United States Surgeon General.

Dobyns spent the majority of his ATF career working in varied undercover assignments within the U.S. developing undercover expertise in violent crime investigation, narcotics, firearms, gang infiltrations, home invasion robbery cases, and murder-for-hire investigations.

Dobyns on undercover cocaine deal

In 2001 Dobyns was selected as the lead undercover agent during an investigation of the Hells Angels in Arizona and charged with infiltrating the gang. Although the investigation was deemed successful leading to the indictment of numerous persons for Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) violations and other crimes, the prosecution was considered failed after internal government squabbling ultimately led to defendants receiving reduced sentences and some with charges dismissed.

Dobyns' exploits during Operation Black Biscuit are memorialized in the novels Angels of Death, written by authors Julian Sher and William Marsden, Running With The Devil written by author Kerrie Droban.

Dobyns portrays himself in television documentaries produced by The History Channel (Gangland: Behind Enemy Lines) and the National Geographic Channel (Inside: Outlaw Bikers - Hells Angels). Fox Television's America's Most Wanted also produced a segment entitled Operation Black Biscuit that details the work of Dobyns and his partners during the Hells Angels investigation.

Dobyns has appeared on the CNN program Anderson Cooper 360 discussing death threats he has received from the Hells Angels and his agency's failure to respond to or assist him in the defense of those threats.

In February 2009, Dobyns released his own book titled No Angel: My Harrowing Undercover Journey to the Inner Circle of The Hells Angels. Dobyns and co-author Nils Johnson-Shelton tell Dobyns's personal account of how the Hells Angels infiltration assignment changed his life.

No Angel debuted on the New York Times Best Seller List (non-fiction).

Dobyns joins other former undercover agents such as Frank Serpico, Joe Pistone (a.k.a. Donnie Brasco), Bob Delaney (a.k.a. Bobby Covert), William Queen (a.k.a. Billy St. John), and Joaquin Garcia (a.k.a. Jackie Falcone) in becoming mainstream news stories following their undercover assignments.

In 2006, Dobyns was inducted into the Sahuaro High School Alumni Cougar Foundation Hall of Fame.

Dobyns owns and operates the Jay Dobyns Group, LLC, a motivational speaking / consulting business that provides presentations to private industry and business leaders.

Dobyns received death threats from Hells Angels members and associates. Dobyns' threats became public when he claimed that ATF did not sufficiently protect him or his family from the dangers.

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Federal agent penetrated Hells Angels, fears for his life
February 5, 2007
- Kelli Arena, Scott Bronstein and Jim Spellman
CNN

MESA, Arizona (CNN) -- For nearly two years, Jay Dobyns led a double life. He rode alongside the Hells Angels, becoming a member of one of the nation's most feared criminal gangs. But at the same time, he was working as a federal agent in an effort to bring the Hells Angels down.

Jay Dobyns works for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, the federal agency responsible for enforcing the nation's gun laws. His deep undercover work with the Hells Angels from 2001-2003 ultimately helped bring the indictment and trial of 16 gang members and their associates.

As a result, Dobyns was awarded a top cop award by the National Association of Police Organizations. He also was hailed on America's Most Wanted as one of the "Good Guys" who brings down the criminals.

But today, just a few years later, Dobyns says that after risking his life on assignment, he has been left vulnerable by the very agency that he proudly served.

Feeling abandoned

With his undercover work done and his real identity as a law enforcement agent exposed, Dobyns says the Hells Angels and other gangs enlisted by it came after him, issuing death threats. Dobyns claims that the ATF -- rather than protecting him -- abandoned him.

"There was a murder contract on me and there was what was called a green light list, which was circulating in the prison, which was a list of people that various gangs wanted killed," Dobyns told CNN.

In response, Dobyns says, the ATF gave him a routine transfer with no special protection, despite his repeated protests. The ATF could have moved Dobyns and his family under what is known as a "threat policy" -- similar to the kind of protection the government routinely gives witnesses in organized crime cases.

But federal agents who go undercover don't automatically get a high level of protection, according to Dobyns and other ATF agents CNN interviewed.

"In order to save money, I was told it wasn't cost effective," Dobyns says.

Dobyns says he has moved himself and his family several times to elude those who've threatened to kill him. He has filed a claim with the ATF for the emotional stress and financial burden he says he's had to bear as a result.

The ATF responds

In a note to CNN, ATF acting director Michael J. Sullivan wrote that privacy and personnel matters prohibit him from commenting directly on Dobyns' allegations, but he assured CNN that Dobyns' allegations are being fully reviewed by the ATF and the Department of Justice.

"There is nothing more important to ATF and to me than the safety and protection of our employees and their families. We at ATF understand that we have a solemn responsibility to protect the people whom we charge to investigate and arrest the country's most violent criminals," Sullivan wrote.

But more than a dozen former and current ATF agents interviewed by CNN, many of whom have their own lawsuits, claims and serious concerns, said the ATF is failing to protect its agents.

Charlie Fuller is a 23-year retired veteran ATF special agent and a former top trainer of undercover agents, who wrote a manual on undercover work, "The Art of Undercover." He trained Dobyns and many other top ATF undercover agents.

"What happened to Dobyns is not an isolated incident," said Fuller. In many cases, he said, managers don't thoroughly understand the complexity of the undercover work or how to best work with and manage the agents once they're back in the real world.

He said agents are seen as troublemakers or retaliated against if they raise complaints or report problems.

"Threats like what Dobyns faced -- this is the most serious thing an ATF agent can face -- the threats against his family," said Fuller. "How could they ignore something like that?"

Asked about Fuller's claims, the ATF said it would have no further comment for now, saying it would stand on Sullivan's previous statement.

"As ATF executes its mission to prevent terrorism, reduce violent crime and protect the public, we will continue to place the highest value on ensuring the safety of our employees and their families," Sullivan said.

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Undercover With Hells Angels
In his new book, "No Angel," ATF agent Jay Dobyns writes about his undercover mission with the Hells Angels -- and the subsequent fallout
By JEFFREY A. TRACHTENBERG

Agent Jay Dobyns, a former star football player at the University of Arizona, had the size, attitude and tattoos to look the part of a Hells Angels member. In the summer of 2001, Mr. Dobyns, then a 14-year veteran at the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, was asked to join a task force focused on infiltrating the motorcycle gang and stopping the sale of illegal weapons in Bullhead City, Ariz.

The mission was code-named "Black Biscuit," and Mr. Dobyns left his wife and two children for weeks at a time to create a believable persona that enabled him to successfully penetrate a local Arizona Hells Angels chapter.

But Mr. Dobyns came close to crossing the line. In a bid to amp up his energy level, he developed a dangerous dependence on the weight-loss pill Hydroxycut during the 21 months he spent undercover. It was not the only decision he later regretted, as he describes in his new book, "No Angel: My Harrowing Undercover Journey to the Inner Circle of the Hells Angels," written with Nils Johnson-Shelton. The work is now a best seller.

Mr. Dobyns, 47 years old, eventually had a public falling out with the ATF -- he is currently a plaintiff in a $4 million lawsuit against the agency in the U.S. District Court of Arizona, alleging defamation of character and the failure to protect him and his family, according to his attorney, James Reed, a partner in Baird, Williams & Greer, in Phoenix. Yet Mr. Dobyns remains an agency employee, now working in ballistics evidence. "I won't quit," he says.

The ATF declined to comment on the book and lawsuit. The agency said in a statement that it "does not, as a matter of policy, comment on personnel matters or pending litigation."

Interview

The Wall Street Journal: The Hells Angels you met seemed to take you at face value. Were you surprised that they weren't more skeptical?

Jay Dobyns: By the time the case started, I had mastered every skill and trick of the trade, the tradecraft of undercover work. In hindsight, they should have been more skeptical, but I'm good at what I do.

WSJ: Outlaw motorcycle gangs are often portrayed as drug couriers. Did you see any evidence of that?

Mr. Dobyns: Narcotics was a big part of our case. I won't say that I was hitting stash house after stash house. A lot of it was street level narcotics. I never got to the giant massive quantity of drugs that I believed were out there and that I expected to get to.

WSJ: You write that eventually warrants were served on 50 defendants, but in the epilogue you note that many received short sentences while others got off entirely. What happened?

Mr. Dobyns: The investigation was a success based on the evidence and testimony. But we lost the prosecution. The good guys couldn't get along. The agency and prosecutors disagreed over how to present evidence, and what evidence to present. The internal bickering got out of hand, and very sweet plea deals were offered and charges were dismissed. The good guys started attacking themselves. Unfortunately the risks I took and the sacrifices I made don't carry weight in the eyes of prosecutors and the court. It's a cold, calculated business.

WSJ: You had a major falling out with the ATF, where you still work, and have filed a lawsuit. Why?

Mr. Dobyns: After the case ended I began to receive death and violence threats against me and my kids. Contracts were being offered to kill me. And the ATF did nothing. The same agency that encouraged and sent me to go toe-to-toe on behalf of their mission of fighting violent crime, ran and hid. In essence, I've been left on my own to figure out how to defend myself. When I blew the whistle on how they handled it, that's when the falling out came. My story isn't unique I was just the first one to stand up and call them out on it.

WSJ: Your house in Tucson burned down. What happened?

Mr. Dobyns: It was a total loss, and everything in it was a total loss. I'm still rebuilding. It was definitely arson, which has become another point of contention. The ATF didn't react to the fire initially. They later sent a single arson investigator, who determined the cause was arson. Agency managers tried to get him to change his conclusion, but he refused. He wouldn't compromise his integrity. He was then removed from the case. Then the ATF named me as a suspect and handed the case to the FBI. The ATF alleged I set my own house on fire. And my family was in the house at the time. They were saying I tried to kill my family.

WSJ: How many times did you and your family have to move, and what is your living situation today?

Mr. Dobyns: Over the course of five years we have lived in 16 different houses. It's a transient lifestyle.

WSJ: Why are the Hells Angels such an iconic organization?

Mr. Dobyns: They are America's bad boys. And America loves bad boys. Not every Hells Angels member I met was a rapist or murderer. Some called me on Thanksgiving or Christmas because they knew I was alone and said, come on over and hang out. Most of them, most of the time, have a smile on their faces. But heaven forbid that you insult them, or get involved crossways with their business.

WSJ: Why did you want to write this book?

Mr. Dobyns: The public was left with the impression that the case failed -- that there had to be something wrong with the undercover guys. I wanted to set the record straight. The undercover case was magnificent. The agency and prosecutors left the undercover operators to be the scapegoats for the prosecution, and that wasn't the case.

WSJ: Any regrets? You seemed to like some of the gang members you met. And you put your family through hell.

Mr. Dobyns: My biggest regret is that I abandoned my family in pursuit of this mission. I take no pride in having turned my back on my wife and kids for the relentless purpose of infiltrating that gang. Do I apologize to the Hells Angels for getting inside their club? Absolutely not. My job is to handle America's business.

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Pagans MC member is shot dead

2009-11-10T05:05:00.000-08:00

James M. Hicks Jr.

Man shot dead refused to drop gun, police say
By Mark Bowes
October 7, 2009

A Pagans Motorcycle Club member was fatally shot by police trying to serve a search warrant at his home after he refused an order to drop a shotgun he held as state and federal officers entered, state police said today.

After announcing their presence, the officers were confronted by James M. Hicks Jr., 45, who was armed with a shotgun, state police Sgt. Thomas Molnar said this afternoon.

He was then shot multiple times after being ordered to drop the weapon and he refused to do so, Molnar said. He died of a gunshot wound to his torso, according to the state medical examiner’s office.

Molnar said the officer who fired the shot was a member of the Virginia State Police tactical team. The officers had to forcibly enter the home about 6 a.m. after no one answered the door, Molnar said.

The police account of yesterday’s events conflicts with a statement issued earlier today by Hicks’ attorney, who said Hicks was armed but he did not brandish, point or fire his gun as the officers entered. A family member who refused to be identified said today that Hicks was armed because he believed someone was trying to break into his house.

Defense attorney John Rockecharlie, who was representing James M. Hicks Jr. on a felony drug charge in Chesterfield County, also said federal agents didn’t find any contraband during a search of his home in the 10000 block of Halifax Road in northern Dinwiddie County.

Rockecharlie said he was advised of that information by a “reliable source” he declined to identify. Since yesterday’s shooting, Rockecharlie said he’s been in contact with Hicks’ family, including his wife, who was inside the house when her husband was shot.

“His family and friends are devastated by the events of yesterday morning,“ Rockecharlie said in a prepared statement after being contacted by the Richmond Times-Dispatch. “They are at a loss to understand why the police handled the situation in such a manner. James did not fire, point or brandish a firearm at any officer.

“In the chaos that was created by the police smashing down the door to his home, James was taken from his loved ones,“ the attorney added. “We hope the authorities look closely at the actions of the police officers involved.“

The attorney said he didn’t know whether yesterday’s raid by state police and agents with the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives had anything to do with Hicks’ arrest in July on drug and gun charges in Chesterfield.

A felony charge of possession of methamphetamine was certified against Hicks last month to a Chesterfield Circuit Court grand jury.

According to court documents and information provided by Rockecharlie, Hicks was arrested July 11 after a state trooper stopped him on northbound Interstate 95 near the state Route 10 exit in Chesterfield.

Hicks was riding his 1999 Harley-Davidson motorcycle and was wearing Pagans paraphernalia at the time, including a jacket with the club’s emblem on the back. He was stopped for wearing a non-approved helmet while riding his bike.

“He looked like he was right out of the Sons of Anarchy,“ said Rockecharlie, referring to a popular cable television series that chronicles the lives of an outlaw motorcycle gang.

According to court records, Hicks cooperated with the trooper who stopped him and told the officer “everything he had on him.“ That included a .357-caliber Smith & Wesson pistol in his motorcycle saddle bag, along with 0.068 grams of powdered methamphetamine, 3.8 grams of marijuana and four tabs of a pharmaceutical drug that Rockecharlie said he had a prescription for. Those pills contained hydrocodone and dihydrocodeine, according to a state laboratory report included in court records.

At a court hearing Sept. 18, Hicks was convicted of a reduced count of possession of drug paraphernalia for the marijuana offense and a concealed weapon charge was withdrawn by prosecutors. Hicks waived his preliminary hearing on the felony drug charge and it was certified by a judge to circuit court. A grand jury was to have considered an indictment on that charge in November.

Citing the search warrant that had been sealed by a federal court, state police and ATF officials have declined to provide details about their case, the nature of the search warrant they were serving or the circumstances that preceded the shooting. Authorities today said they may release additional information.

Court records list Hicks’ occupation as a mechanic/welder. On a financial disclosure form filed with his arrest papers, Hicks wrote that he had been employed eight years with Truck Service of Virginia in Disputanta. A company spokeswoman today confirmed Hicks’ employment and described him as a reliable, hard-working employee.

Omar Portee 30063-037

2009-10-01T03:37:00.000-07:00

Omar Portee, also known as O.G. Mack, was born in LA and was involved in the Miller Gangster Bloods in South Central before moving to New York City. O.G. Mack established the United Blood Nation while incarcerated at Rikers Island prison in 1993. The first set created in the prison was the Nine Trey Gangsters. Mack and O.G. Deadeye are considered the "Godfathers" or O.G. (Original Gangster) of the East Coast Bloods.

RELEASE DATE: 12-19-2044

See also: ADX Florence

JOSEPH PAUL FRANKLIN

2009-09-23T10:30:00.000-07:00

RACIST SERIAL KILLER: Joseph Paul Franklin (born April 13, 1950) is an American serial killer who may have killed 20 people between 1977 and 1980. He has been convicted of several murders, and has confessed to the attempted assassinations of two prominent people: the 1978 shooting of magazine publisher Larry Flynt and Flynt's attorney and the 1980 shooting of Vernon Jordan. Franklin shot and paralyzed publisher Larry Flynt because “Hustler” magazine dedicated an issue to inter-racial sex. Franklin also shot and wounded black attorney Vernon Jordan (Bill Clinton confidant) and former president of the “Urban League” because Jordan was jogging with a Caucasian woman. Franklin has not been convicted in either of those cases. Because Franklin has changed his story about some cases, the full extent of his crimes are unknown.

He was born James Clayton Vaughn, in Mobile, Alabama to a poor family. In 1976 he changed his name to Joseph Paul Franklin. He selected Joseph Paul in honor of Paul Joseph Goebbels and Franklin for Benjamin Franklin.

Franklin is believed to have suffered an abusive childhood at the hands of both his violent parents. As early as high school he had become very interested in neo-Nazism and later held memberships in both the American Nazi Party and the Ku Klux Klan. He also has one daughter from a 1968 marriage.

Franklin was a drifter, roaming up and down the East Coast, always looking for chances to "cleanse the world" of people he considered inferior, especially blacks and Jews. He sustained himself by robbing banks and often sold or traded the guns he used to kill. Despite being partially blind in his left eye and completely blind in his right eye, Franklin was a proficient marksman, and killed most of his victims from over 100 feet away. He did not touch or try to contact the majority of victims, instead assassinating them from a distance; thereby falling into the category of a mission oriented serial killer. He was a highly organized killer, who would plan several escape routes and anti-forensic techniques in advance. Despite his rare and inflammatory motives, Franklin's complete lack of murder ritual has excluded him from pop culture reference, unlike less prolific serial killers such as Ted Bundy.

Criminal career

Franklin's level of violence continuously escalated; before he committed his first known murder, he fire-bombed a synagogue and threw mace at a racially-mixed couple. Starting in 1977, he went on a continual murder spree, supporting himself by robbing banks. He admitted his racist ideology; God, he said, wanted him to start a race war.

Franklin killed at random, and may have begun in Madison, Wisconsin. His target of choice were mixed-race couples, which he called "MRCs." In interviews, he explained that he planned the murders and his exit in advance, often changing his hair style and colour, as well as changing clothes and vehicles often. He would listen to a police scanner during his escapes.

On one occasion, he threatened to kill President Jimmy Carter for his pro-civil rights views. He'd also intended to shoot Jesse Jackson, but Jackson's security detail made this impossible; he changed his target to Vernon Jordan in lieu of Jackson. An escape artist, he managed to elude law enforcement for years. He was eventually caught, however, when a nurse in Florida taking the blood he was selling recognised a bald eagle tattoo on his arm.

Arrested in 1980, Franklin provided detailed confessions. He has been tried in several states and, in Missouri in 1997, he was sentenced to death.

Franklin has been linked by either indictment or confession to 20 murders, 6 aggravated assaults, 16 bank robberies and 2 bombings. He has confessed to 8 murders, and has received several life sentences or capital punishment for others. He made several confessions in the late 1990's on the condition that he confessed to "an attractive white female investigator."

* July 29, 1977; Beth Shalom synagogue in Chattanooga is firebombed.

* August 7, 1977; Dressed in cowboy regalia, Franklin shot and killed a black man and a white woman, Alphonse Manning and Toni Schwenn, driving away from a bank robbery in Madison, Wisconsin. He had been wanting to drive faster, but was frustrated with the speed of Manning's driving. Manning stopped his car and got out, Franklin picked up a stolen handgun and shot him, then walking over to his car and shot his friend. In 1985, he received two life sentences for these murders.

* October 8, 1977; He hid in long grass behind a telegraph pole at a synagogue parking lot in Richmond Heights, Missouri, using a Remington 700 hunting rifle to kill one man, Gerald Gordon, and injure two others. He had earlier in the day bought some ten inch nails, a bicycle and a guitar case. He scratched the serial number from his gun, cleaned off his fingerprints and placed it in the guitar case. He hammered the nails into the telegraph pole to serve as a gun rest and used the bike for a quick escape. He then took the rifle out of the case and fired five shots. After killing Gordon and wounding Steven Goldman and William Ash, he cycled to his car. He was convicted of murder, and was sentenced to death by lethal injection in the Potosi Correctional Center in Potosi, Missouri.

* Franklin claims that, on March 6, 1978, he used a .44 caliber rifle to ambush pornographer Larry Flynt and his lawyer Gene Reeves in Lawrenceville, Georgia. In his confession, Franklin said this was in retaliation for an edition of Hustler displaying interracial sex. Flynt was paralyzed from the waist down. Flynt believes Franklin's confession, but there have been no charges in the case. The confession came years after the shooting, and it is not clear that there is any evidence besides Franklin's word.

* July 29, 1978; Franklin hid in the long grass around a Pizza Hut in Chattanooga, jumping out to kill Bryant Tatum with a 12 gauge shotgun. Tatum, a black man, was shot once, as was his white girlfriend Nancy Hilton (who survived.) Franklin confessed and pleaded guilty, being given a life sentence, as well as a sentence for an unrelated armed robbery in 1977.

* July 12, 1979; Taco Bell manager Harold McIver (27), a black man, was shot through a window from 150 yards in Doraville, Georgia, killing him. Franklin confessed but was not tried or sentenced for this crime. Franklin asserted that McIver was in close contact with white women, and the murder prevented him from having sex with any of them.

* August 18, 1979; He killed a black man seated in a Burger King with a rifle in Falls Church, Virginia. Later, this would be the scene of another sniper attack by the Beltway sniper. Franklin confessed to the murder on videotape.

* October 21, 1979; Franklin used a sniper rifle to kill a mixed race couple in Oklahoma City. He has not yet been tried for this murder. He fired five shots from 100 yards away, hitting Jesse Taylor, who was black, three times and Marian Bresette, who was white, once.

* December 5, 1979; Franklin killed 15-year-old prostitute Mercedes Lynn Masters, with whom he had previously lived in Dekalb County, Georgia, with a shotgun. Her fatal mistake was telling Franklin that she had black customers. DeKalb County was also the scene of four of the Atlanta child murders, which were initially thought to be racially motivated.

* January 8 or January 11, 1980; Franklin murdered a 19-year-old black man in a long-distance rifle attack in Indianapolis. The young man was standing with his father outside a fried chicken restaurant. Franklin awaits trial for aggravated murder.

* January 16 or January 17, 1980; He sniped a black man with the same rifle from 150 yards in Indianapolis. He awaits trial for aggravated murder.

* May 2, 1980; He shot hitchhiker Rebecca Bergstrom with a handgun in Monroe County, Wisconsin. He confessed to this murder in 1984.

* May 29, 1980; He says he shot Bill Clinton associate Vernon Jordan after seeing him with a white woman in Fort Wayne, Indiana. He was initially acquitted, but later confessed.

* June 8, 1980; Franklin has confessed to killing cousins Darrel Lane (14) and Donte Evans Brown (13) in Bond Hill, Cincinnati. He was waiting on an overpass for hours to shoot a racially mixed couple, but grew impatient and shot the boys instead. He received two life sentences for these murders. During the trial, he taunted the Judge and claimed that the sheriff and his deputies were homosexuals [1].

* June 15, 1980; He shot and killed an interracial couple, Arthur Smothers (22) and Kathleen Mikula (16), from a woodland area in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. Franklin has confessed, although Pennsylvania has not extradited him.

* June 25, 1980; He used a .44 Ruger pistol to kill two hitchhikers — Nancy Santomero (19) and Vicki Durian (26) — in Pocahontas County, West Virginia. He confessed to the crime after it was revealed that another man, Jacob Beard of Florida, was imprisoned in 1993 on these charges. He picked up the white girls, but decided to kill them after one of them admitted having a black boyfriend. He later said, "They told me they were into race-mixing, I just decided to waste 'em."

* August 20, 1980; He killed two black men from 40 yards with a Marlin Firearms lever action rifle as they jogged with white women in Salt Lake City. Franklin received two life sentences for this crime. The victims, Ted Fields and David Martin, died at the scene. [2]

* September, 1980; He escaped from police custody, but was recaptured in Florida.
Conviction and imprisonment

A recalcitrant and unrepentant prisoner, Franklin claimed after trial (for the murder of Gerald Gordon) that his only regret was that killing Jews was not legal. He made an escape attempt during a judgment. He made a reference to his escape attempts during the trial, thanking the jury for a fair trial and commending them on their verdict, claiming that if he had not been given the death penalty, he would probably escape again.

Trivia

William Luther Pierce's second book, Hunter, contains a dedication to Franklin.

Neo-Nazis

2009-09-19T14:28:00.000-07:00

The term neo-Nazi refers to any post-World War II social or political movement seeking to revive Nazism, or some variant that echoes core aspects of National Socialism. Members of neo-Nazi groups (excluding the NSM) prefer to be called "white nationalists, white separatists, or, white racialists," and object to the term neo-Nazi. The vast majority of neo-Nazis have beliefs that differ from actual Nazism, but they still advocate white supremacy.

During the 1960-70s, all racist non-Klan groups were labeled generically as neo-Nazis, and so were the racist skinhead groups that emerged during the 1980s. The Ku Klux Klan started as a domestic "homegrown" hate movement, and was not directly influenced by Nazi ideology.

There are a number of small neo-Nazi groups in the United States today. The earliest example of this ideological tendency can be traced back to the 1930s and the formation of the German-American Bund. The German-American Bund and similar groups achieved limited popularity. The zenith of the Bund's history occurred on President's Day, February 19, 1939 at Madison Square Garden in New York City. Some 20,000 people attended and heard Fritz Kuhn criticize President Franklin D. Roosevelt by repeatedly referring to him as “Frank D. Rosenfeld”, calling his New Deal the "Jew Deal." The Bund's popularity rapidly faded with the onset of World War II. The groups either disbanded or were dismantled by force of law (such as the 1942 sedition trial) during the war period. After the war, new organizations formed, with varying degrees of support for Nazi principles.

George Lincoln Rockwell

In 1959, the first explicitly postwar American neo-Nazi group was founded by George Lincoln Rockwell. The American Nazi Party achieved high-profile coverage in the press through their public demonstrations.

American Nazi Party

Organizations which report upon American neo-Nazi activities include the Anti-Defamation League and Southern Poverty Law Center. While a small minority of American neo-Nazis draw public attention, most operate underground, so they can recruit, organize and raise funds without interference or harassment. American neo-Nazi groups often operate websites, occasionally stage public demonstrations, and maintain ties to groups in Europe and elsewhere.

NSM Commander Jeff Schoep

The First Amendment to the United States Constitution guarantees freedom of speech, which allows political organizations great latitude in expressing Nazi, racist, and anti-Semitic views. A First Amendment landmark was the "Skokie Affair", in which neo-Nazis threatened to march in a predominantly Jewish suburb of Chicago. The march never took place in Skokie, but the court ruling allowed the neo-Nazis to stage a series of demonstrations in the Chicago area.

Members of The Order were convicted of crimes such as murder, racketeering, conspiracy, violating civil rights and sedition. Matthew F. Hale of the Creativity Movement was imprisoned for soliciting the murder of a federal judge. Aryan Nations lost a $6.2 million dollar lawsuit after Aryan Nations members opened fire on a passing vehicle. Aryan Nations has since lost its headquarters and paramilitary training grounds, and has split into three separate organizations. Other neo-Nazi groups in the US, include the National Alliance, White Aryan Resistance (WAR), American Front, and the National Socialist Movement (NSM). The NSM was founded in 1974 by Robert Brannen, former member of the American Nazi Party before its decline. The group claims to be the largest and most active neo-Nazi organization in the United States.

Combat 18
(skull insignia based on the Nazi Totenkopf)

Combat 18 (C18) is a neo-Nazi group based in the UK. C18 is an international group with chapters in Europe, South America, Australia, Canada, and the US. A former C18 leader, Del O'Connor, moved to the US and started TCB Hate Crew, a small skinhead group in Texas and parts of the Midwest (now defunct). Del O'Conner and his C18 splinter group, White Wolves, were initially believed to have been involved in masterminding the bombing of a gay nightclub and several other locations in London. He is now a representative for the group Volksfront.

See also: Neo-Nazi Skinheads, Ku Klux Klan

KKK: Ku Klux Klan

2009-09-19T12:55:00.000-07:00

The Ku Klux Klan (KKK) is a racist, anti-Semitic movement with a commitment to extreme violence to achieve its goals of racial segregation and white supremacy. Of all the types of right-wing hate groups that exist in the United States, the Klan remains the one with the greatest number of national and local organizations around the country.

MIOAK (Mystic Insignia Of A Klansman)
aka: the blood drop cross

More than 40 different Klan groups exist, many having multiple chapters, or "klaverns," including a few that boast a presence in a large number of states. There are over a hundred different Klan chapters around the country, with a combined strength of members and associates that may total around 5,000.

After a period of relative quiet, Ku Klux Klan activity has spiked noticeably upwards in 2006, as Klan groups have attempted to exploit fears in America over gay marriage, perceived "assaults" on Christianity, crime and especially immigration.

* Founder: Confederate Civil War veterans Captain John C. Lester, Major James R. Crowe, John D. Kennedy, Calvin Jones, Richard R. Reed, Frank O. McCord
* Founded: 1866
* Headquarters: Each different Klan group has its own headquarters.
* Background: The Klan has fragmented into more than 40 separate factions of varying sizes. There is no "one" Ku Klux Klan.
* Estimated size: There are over a hundred different chapters in the various Klan organizations, with varying memberships. Overall, there may be as many as 5,000 members and associates of the Ku Klux Klan. The Klan is strongest in the South and in the Midwest.
* Criminal Activity: The Klan has a relatively high association with criminal activity, ranging from hate crimes to acts of domestic terrorism.
* Media: Mass mailings, leafleting and the Internet
* Strategy: Public rallies and protests, "adopt a highway" programs and other attention getting stunts, Internet
* Ideology: White supremacist ideology not far from that of neo-Nazis, although it tends to be more Christian-oriented and to stress American patriotism.
* Affiliations: National Socialist Movement, Aryan Nations, Christian Identity groups
* Financial support: Little. Most funding comes from membership dues and sales of Klan paraphernalia.

The Ku Klux Klan first emerged following the Civil War as America's first true terrorist group. Since its inception, the Ku Klux Klan has seen several cycles of growth and collapse, and in some of these cycles the Klan has been more extreme than in others. In all of its incarnations, however, the Klan has maintained its dual heritage of hate and violence.

KKK Tattoo

At first, the Ku Klux Klan focused its anger and violence on African-Americans, and white Americans who stood up for them, and against the federal government which supported their rights. Subsequent incarnations of the Klan, which typically emerged in times of rapid social change, added more categories to its enemies list, including Jews, Catholics (less so after the 1970s), homosexuals, and different groups of immigrants.

In most of these cases, these perceived enemies were minority groups that came into direct economic competition with the lower- and working-class whites that formed the core constituency of the Klan in most of its incarnations.

The Ku Klux Klan was overshadowed in the late 1990s and early 2000s by growing neo-Nazi activity; however, by 2005 neo-Nazi groups had fallen on hard times, with many groups collapsing or fragmenting. This collapse has helped create a rise of racist skinhead activity, but has also provided new opportunities for Klan groups.

KIGY

The Klan produced a figurine during the 1920s called KIGY the friendly Klansman (KIGY = Klansman I Greet You). Klan members claim to have sold over a million dolls. In the 1970s, KIGY was reproduced as an action figure, but only a limited number were sold.

During the 2000s, many communities in the United States began to experience a significant influx of immigrants, especially Hispanics. A single-issue movement opposing immigration has helped create fear and anxiety about immigration in the minds of many Americans.

Many Ku Klux Klan groups have attempted to take advantage of that fear and uncertainty, using anti-immigration sentiments for recruitment and propaganda purposes, and to attract publicity.

See also: Neo-Nazis

Almighty Gaylords

2009-09-16T09:45:00.000-07:00

Almighty Gaylords

Chicago's Almighty Gaylords - Grand Avenue Young Lords, is one of Chicago's oldest white street gangs, that started in the early 1950s. The gang was originally a neighborhood club. Like other clubs of that era, Gaylords had their own clubhouse and baseball team. The Gaylords clubhouse was on the corner of Ohio and Noble Street. The gang would eventually leave that area as the neighborhood's population became less white and more Hispanic.

Gaylord wizard tattoo

Throughout the 1960-70s, Gaylords, like many other white neighborhood gangs, took a pro-white stance - not white supremacy - but a white pride attitude, that said “We are white, and we're proud of our heritage!” The Hispanic gangs used "Spanish" and "Latin" in their names, so this was done to separate themselves from the gangs they were fighting against at that time.

Gaylord fire cross

At one point during the 1970s, the gang had over a thousand active members. Gaylords held sets (or sections) in both the North Side and the South Side of Chicago. Their South Side sections included Back of the Yards (around 55th and Ashland, Sherman Park), Marquette Park, Pilsen (18th and Western), and Bridgeport (Throop Street). Their North Side presence included Humboldt Park (Maffat and Campbell), Logan Square (Palmer and California, Lawndale and Altgeld), Uptown (Sunnyside and Magnolia, Lawrence and Broadway), Kilbourn Park, and Ravenswood (Seeley and Ainslie).

G/L handsign

The Gaylords experienced continual growth throughout the early 1980s, and held their neighborhoods while most white families moved to the suburbs (white flight). The gentrification of their neighborhoods diminished the gang's ability to recruit new members. In 1984, Gaylords joined the "People Nation" gang alliance, that's predominantly black and Hispanic.

Identifiers/symbols:

* initials "GL"
* numbers "7-12"
* latin cross w/two dashes
* wizard/grim reaper
* five-point star
* cane (seldom used)

Colors: black and light blue, or black and gray

Ethnicity: predominantly white

Territory: Chicago area, Midwest

Allies: Jousters, Freaks, People Nation (Latin Kings, Vice Lords, etc)

Rivals: Folk Nation (Simon City Royals, Gangster Disciples, Latin Disciples, etc)

Criminal activities: drug possession, armed-robbery, weapons violation, assault, murder

Racist Skinhead Oi! Music

2009-09-15T07:31:00.000-07:00

Hate Rock music is now a major recruitment tool and source of funding for hate groups. Many hate group members, especially neo-Nazi skinheads, have been drawn to white supremacy by listening to hate rock on the Internet, on CDs, and at concerts, often promoted and coordinated online, where crowds violently slamdance to the music of bands such as Angry Aryans, Blue Eyed Devils, and H8Machine.

HATE MUSIC

* Racist Oi!/RAC: The oldest genre of hate music is derived from Oi!, an offshoot of punk music that originated in the 1970s and became heavily associated with the emerging skinhead subculture. In the wake of Skrewdriver, some racist Oi! bands emerged, sometimes calling their music RAC (Rock Against Communism).

* Hatecore: Hatecore is essentially a racist version of hardcore punk, a musical subgenre that emerged in the U.S. in the early 1980s. Some hardcore punk musicians later merged it with heavy metal music to create thrash or speed metal; there are racist versions of this as well.

LIST OF HATE ROCK BANDS

Argentina
Accion Radical
Comando Suicida
Razon y Fuerza
Ultrasur

Australia
Abyssic Hate
Battle Hymn
Blood Oath
Death's Head
Dissident
Fortress
Frontline Fighters
Honour Guard
Kommando
Open Season
Ravenous
Raven's Wing
Southern Cross
Spear of Longinus
White Lightning
White Noise

Austria
SS1488
Sudfront
Tollschock

Belgium
Donar's Krieg

Brazil
Brigada NS
Command
Defesa Armada
Evil
Goat Penis
Grupo Separatista Branco
Locomotiva 88
Resistencia 88
Thallium

Canada
Aryan
Battlefront
Cross
Excessive Force
Griffin
Involved Patriot
Kremator
Odin's Law
Rahowa
Stonehammer
Trouble Makers
Vinland Warriors
White Riot

Chile
Odal Sieg
Rockan Oi

Croatia
H8

Czech Republic
Agrese 95
Apartheid
Biely Odpor
Buldok
Conflict 88
Diktator
Excalibur
Hlas Krve
Nadoraz
Orlik
Prinz Eugen
SAD
Thodthverdthur
Valasska Liga
Vlajka
Wolfheart
Zast 88

Denmark
Chamber 88
Strike Force

England
Avalon
Battle Zone
Blackout
Blackshirts
Brutal Attack
Bulldog Breed
Chingford Attack
Croyden Criminals
Dragon Lance
English Rose
Eurocentrifugal Force
Eye of Odin
Grade One
Ian Stuart
Ken McLellan
Kindred Spirit
Legion of St. George
Lionheart
No Fear
No Remorse
Ovaltinees
Overlords
Paul Burnley
Public Enemy
Rage'N'Fury
Razors Edge
Rune Shield
Skrewdriver
Skullhead
Spearhead
Squadron
Stigger
Stormbringer
Sudden Impact
The Die-Hards
The Final Sound
The Klansmen
Thunderbolt
Vengeance
Warhammer
Warlord
White Diamond
White Law

Estonia
Preserve White Aryans

Finland
Arngrimmr
Brutal Skins
End Up Dead
Hate Crime
Mistreat
Pig Killer
Wiking Division

France
9eme Panzer Symphony
Bekhira
Bifrost
Blessed in Sin
Brutal Combat
Bunker 84
Chauves Pourris
Dernier Rampart
Durandal
Evil Skins
Fraction Hexagone
Kontingent 88
Kristallnacht
Legion 88
Legion A
Osculum Infame
Panzerjager
Patriotic Youth
Ultimatum
Ultime Assault
Veme Colonne
Viking

Germany
08/15
14 Nothelfer
A.B.
Absurd
Arisches Blut
Aryan Blood
Aryan Brotherhood
Asgard
Aufmarsch
Balmung
Barad Dur
Blutweihe
Body Checks
Bollwerk
Boots Brothers
Brutale Haie
Celtic Moon
Commando Pernod
Cotzbrocken
Deutch Stolz Treue
Die Harte
Die Moite
Die Separatism
Division Wiking
Doitsche Patrioten
Dragoner
Edelweiss
Endstufe
Entwarnung
Eugenik
Faustrecht
Foierstoss
Frank Rennicke
Freibeuter
Freikorps
Gestapo
Groilmeiers
Halgadom
Hate Society
Hauptkampflinie
Holsteiner Jungs
Jungsturm
Kahlkopf
Kraft Durch Froide
Kraftschlag
Kroitzfoier
Landser
Landsturm
Legion Condor
Legion of Thor
Legion Ost
Leitwolf
Macht Und Ehre
Might of Rage
Nahkampf
Noie Werte
Nordfront
Nordmacht
Odessa
Offensive
Oi Dramz
Oidoxie
Oithanasie
Ostfront AVK
Proissenheads
Radikahl
Reichssturm
Rungholt
Saccara
Schwarzer Orden
Schwarzes Korps
Senfheads
Sleipnir
Soldiers of Freedom
Solution
Sperrfeuer
Spreegeschwader
Stahlgewitter
Standarte
Storkraft
Storstufe
Stuka Attack
Sturmflagge
Sturmgesang
Sturmtrupp
Sturmwehr
The Betrayed
Thor's Hammer
Todesschwadron D.F.E.
Toitonen
Tollwut
Tonstorung
Triebtater
Unbending Bootboys
Veit
Volksgemurmel
Volkstroi
Volksverhetzer
Volkszorn
Voll die Guten
War 88
Weisse Wolf
Weisser Arischer Widerstand
Werwolf
Wewelsburg
White Aryan Rebels
Wotan
Zillertaler Tuerkenjaeger

Greece
Der Sturmer
Iron Youth
Legion of Doom

Hungary
Archivum
Egeszseges Fejbor
Junkers 88
Kozellenseg
Magozott Cseresznye
Mos-Oi
Nemzeti Front
Nimrod
Oi-Kor
Pannon Skins
Titkolt Ellenallas
Valhalla
Verszerzodes

Ireland
Celtic Dawn (Ireland)

Italy
A.D.L. 122
Aborym
Ars Occulta
Block 11
Corona Ferrea
Front Towards Enemy
Fronte 82
Gesta Bellica
Hyperborea
Injustice Side
Intolleranza
Londinium SPQR
Mors Summa
New City Rocks
Ondo D'Urto
Peggior Amico
Plastic Surgery
SS 20
Verde Bianco Rosso

Netherlands
Brigade M
Landstorm
Standrecht

Norway
Burzum
Hirdmen
Norhat
Norske Legion
Rinnan Band
Sonner av Norge
Trelldom
Vidkuns Venner

Poland
Capricornus
Defensor 14
Deportacja
Ekspansja
Falanga 88
Feniks
Fullmoon
Galgenberg
Gontyna Kry
Graveland
Grom
Honor
Infernum
Kataxu
Konkwista 88
Legion
Lord Wind
Nowy Lad
Odrodzenie 88
Odwet
Ofensywa
Ohtar
Perunwit
Salut
Selbstmord
Swastyka
Sztorm 68
Thunderbolt
Veles
White Fist
Wineta
Zyklon B

Portugal
Endovelico
Guarda de Ferro
Lusitanoi

Russia
Banda Moskvy
Branikald
Bulldog
Instruktsiya Po Vyzhivaniyu
Kolovrat
Korroziya Metalla
Krasnye Zvezdy
Kulturnaya Revolutsiya
Nocturnal Mortum
Radegast
Russian Ghetto
Sturm
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Scotland
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Spain
14 Palabras
7 Muelles
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Division 250
Estandarte 88
Estirpe Imperial
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Klan
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Ofensiva 88
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Zetme 88

Sweden
Asa
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Division S
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Jocke Karlsson
Ledung
Matti S.
Midgard
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Totenkopf
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White Warriors
Wietze

Switzerland
Eisenwinter
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Ukraine
Aryan Terrorism
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Uruguay
Escuadron 88

USA
Acirema
Aggravated Assault
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Arresting Officers
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Attack
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Das Reich
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Definite Hate
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Eric Owens
Ethnic Cleansing
Extreme Hatred
Final Solution
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Gestapo SS
Grinded Nig
H8Machine (formerly known as Dying Breed)
Hakenkreuz
Hammertown
Note: A mainstream Christian rock group also uses this name.
Hatemonger
Infantry
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Intimidation One
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Katharia
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The Voice
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Vagrant the Noachian
Vanguard
Warfare 88
Weltmacht
White American Youth
White Wash
White Wolf
Youngblood
Youngland

Wales
Broadsword
Celtic Warrior
No Quarter
Retaliator
Violent Storm

Northsider Prison Gang

2009-09-13T17:59:00.000-07:00

Northsiders

The Northsider prison gang was formed in the late 1970's at Menard prison, that's located in Southern Illinois. The founding members were from Chicago. The prison administration called them "northsiders" because they came from the northern part of the state. Gang members adopted the name and began calling themselves Northsiders. The gang only exist within the prison system. Members use nazi symbols and claim white supremacy.

In the United States Court of Appeals For the Seventh Circuit
http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/cgi-bin/getcase.pl?court=7th&navby=case&no=952901
No. 95-2901

EDWARD PAVLICK,
v.
JIMMY MIFFLIN,

Defendant-Appellant.

Appeal from the United States District Court for the Southern District of Illinois, East St. Louis Division. No. 90 CV 3515--William L. Beatty, Judge.

ARGUED APRIL 23, 1996--DECIDED JULY 18, 1996

Before FLAUM, MANION and EVANS, Circuit Judges.

FLAUM, Circuit Judge. While Edward Pavlick was an inmate at the Menard Correctional Center, he arranged a meeting between a prison guard, Lieutenant Spiller, and another inmate, Daniel Schoolcraft. During this meeting (at which Pavlick was not present), Schoolcraft confessed to Spiller that he had been ordered to "hit" a prison administrator, Superintendent Larry Hopkins. The gang that ordered the hit struck back: four days later, Pavlick was attacked in his sleep by a group of inmates and stabbed 21 times. This case concerns whether Jimmy Mifflin, a prison guard who, according to an eyewitness account, opened Pavlick's cell door and allowed the attackers to enter, may be held liable for Pavlick's injuries.

I.

In 1989, Pavlick was serving a seven year sentence at Menard for sexual assault (he was released from prison in 1991). By all accounts, Pavlick was a well behaved prisoner, and he obtained a maintenance job at the prison (repairing windows) for which he was allowed to work with power tools. He also had an uncommonly good rapport both with other inmates and with prison officials.

Menard is a maximum security institution, and many of the inmates belong to gangs. Pavlick and Schoolcraft were members of a gang known as the Northsiders. On the night of July 26, 1989, Schoolcraft approached Pavlick and asked him to "get an officer." According to Pavlick, Schoolcraft appeared scared. Pavlick went to Spiller, who was on duty that night, and asked him to go to Schoolcraft's cell. Spiller obliged.

During their conversation (at which Pavlick was not present), Schoolcraft confessed to Spiller that the Northsiders had ordered him to "hit" Superintendent Hopkins. /1 Spiller then removed Schoolcraft from his cell and placed him in protective custody. Pavlick, however, was left in the general population. The next morning, July 27, the prison was placed in lockdown status.

That morning, several officers came to talk to Pavlick in his cell. Pavlick testified that one of the officers, Captain Campanella, "thanked me for what I did." Pavlick responded by asking Campanella what he was talking about. This conversation took place in front of Pavlick's cellmate, Smith, who was also a Northsider.

Following Schoolcraft's confession, Hopkins stayed away from the cellhouse for over a week. Although it does not appear that the reason for his absence was ever officially announced, Hopkins stated that there were rumors circulating around the prison concerning the threat to his safety. The lockdown ended on July 28.

On the morning of Sunday, July 30, Pavlick returned to his cell after eating breakfast. Pavlick's cell was open because prisoners with details (prison jobs) are allowed out of their cells every day. Pavlick worked only Monday through Friday, but he was still allowed out of his cell on weekends. After breakfast, Pavlick decided that he wanted to go to sleep, so he asked his cellmate to leave. Smith left, and then Pavlick closed the door to his cell and went to sleep. Pavlick testified that he locked his door before going to sleep (apparently, prisoners have the ability to lock their own doors, but they cannot reopen the doors themselves), and he stated further that "[a]ny time I go to sleep, I always lock my door."

Pavlick awoke to find himself being attacked by several inmates. He described the assault as follows:

I woke up being attacked. . . . I was hit in the head first, and I started screaming, then I was getting stabbed in the back. There was a guy holding my legs down and was stabbing me, . . . stabbing me with his right arm, holding my legs down with his left, and his body was on my legs.

Pavlick started screaming, but no one came to help. He managed to free himself from his attackers, who then ran away. Pavlick walked to the guard station and asked Mifflin, the officer on duty at the time, whether he could go to the hospital. He was taken to the hospital and treated for "multiple stab wounds and lacerations." Pavlick testified that he received 21 stab wounds. The injuries left several scars: one on his finger, two through his eye, four on his right shoulder, two on his left shoulder, five on his back, four on the back of his neck, and nine on his head. In addition, Pavlick suffered an injury to his right eye that causes it to flutter. Two of the attackers, both of whom were members of the Northsiders, were eventually apprehended.

One inmate, Eddie Skaggs, witnessed the assault. After breakfast on July 30, Skaggs observed two inmates speaking with Officer Mifflin. Skaggs then, saw Mifflin go to Pavlick's cell, insert a key into the cell door, and open the door slightly. Mifflin left, and then the inmates "rushed into the cell" and started attacking Pavlick with 6-7 inch shanks (homemade knives). Skaggs testified that Pavlick, who was yelling and screaming, managed to escape, and then the attackers ran away.

Another inmate, Terry Kicinski, also viewed some of the events. At around 9:00 a.m. on July 30, Kicinski saw a few Northsiders standing in front of Pavlick's cell. In addition, Kicinski saw a correctional officer, whom he could not identify, open the door to Pavlick's cell. Kicinski then left the area and did not see anyone enter the cell.

Pavlick brought suit against Mifflin under 42 U.S.C. sec. 1983, claiming that Mifflin violated his Eighth Amendment rights by opening the door to his cell and allowing the attackers to enter. /2 A jury trial was held, during which Mifflin testified that he did not open the door to Pavlick's cell. The jury found in favor of Pavlick and awarded him $5,000 in compensatory damages and $5,000 in punitive damages. Mifflin appeals, arguing that Pavlick failed to present sufficient evidence of an Eighth Amendment violation. We affirm.

II.

Because Mifflin is asking us to overturn a jury verdict, he faces a difficult burden: we will uphold the verdict so long as " 'the evidence presented, combined with all reasonable inferences that may be drawn from it, is sufficient to support the verdict when viewed in the light most favorable to the [winning] party.' " Gagan v. American Cablevision, Inc., 77 F.3d 951, 960 (7th Cir. 1996) (quoting Molnar v. United Technologies Otis Elevator, 37 F.3d 335, 337 (7th Cir. 1994)). To prevail on his Eighth Amendment claim, Pavlick must prove that Mifflin acted with deliberate indifference to his safety. Farmer v. Brennan, 114 S. Ct. 1970, 1979 (1994). A prison official acts with deliberate indifference if he "knows of and disregards an excessive risk to inmate health or safety; the official must both be aware of facts from which the inference could be drawn that a substantial risk of serious harm exists, and he must also draw the inference." Id. The prison official need not believe or intend that the inmate will actually be harmed; rather, he is liable if he consciously ignores a substantial risk to an inmate's safety. Id. at 1981; Haley v. Gross, No. 95-1130, slip op. at 21-22 (7th Cir. May 29, 1996). The Supreme Court has equated deliberate indifference to "subjective recklessness as used in the criminal law." Farmer, 114 S. Ct. at 1980. /3

Pavlick's argument for deliberate indifference is simple: immediately prior to the attack, Mifflin was seen conversing with several Northsiders. Mifflin then unlocked the door to Pavlick's cell and left, allowing the attackers to enter. These facts, Pavlick contends, are enough to allow the jury to infer that Mifflin knew what was going to happen. Or, at the very least, Mifflin knew that opening a sleeping inmate's cell door creates a serious risk to that inmate's safety. (Both Hopkins and Mifflin testified that it is not standard practice to open an inmate's door while he is sleeping at the unauthorized request of a group of other inmates).

Mifflin contends that although the evidence might support a conclusion that he was negligent, it is not sufficient to prove deliberate indifference. He bases his argument on the following gaps in the trial testimony: (1) none of the witnesses heard the conversation between him and the other inmates before he opened Pavlick's cell, so there was no evidence concerning why he opened the cell; (2) Mifflin was not on duty when Schoolcraft reported the planned hit to Spiller, so there was no evidence that Mifflin even knew of the threat to Hopkins' life; and (3) even if Mifflin had heard the rumors concerning the planned hit on Hopkins, there was no evidence that he knew that Pavlick helped Schoolcraft contact prison officials, so there was no evidence that Mifflin knew that Pavlick was in any potential danger.

As an initial matter, although this case was litigated as one of deliberate indifference, Pavlick's allegations appear to go beyond simple "indifference" to his safety. Viewing the evidence in the light most favorable to the verdict (as we must), a reasonable jury could have inferred that, by opening Pavlick's cell door and allowing the attackers to enter, Mifflin actually participated in the assault. We have upheld convictions for aiding and abetting on similar facts. See United States v. Fountain, 768 F.2d 790, 798-99 (7th Cir. 1985) (upholding conviction of prisoner for aiding and abetting the murder of a prison guard where the defendant gave a knife - the murder weapon - to the inmate who killed the guard immediately prior to the incident), cert. denied, 475 U.S. 1124 (1986); United States v. Ortega, 44 F.3d 505, 508 (7th Cir. 1995) ("One who, knowing the criminal nature of another's act, deliberately renders what he knows to be active aid in the carrying out of the act is . . . an aider or abettor even if there is no evidence that he wants the act to succeed."). In contrast, "deliberate indifference," at least as a matter of grammar, seems more appropriate to describe inaction: for example, a guard's failure to protect an inmate, see, e.g., Haley, supra, a prison official's failure to provide medical treatment to an inmate, see, e.g., Murphy v. Walker, 51 F.3d 714, 719 (7th Cir. 1995) (per curiam), or a municipality's failure to train its police force. See, e.g., City of Canton v. Harris, 489 U.S. 378, 388 (1989); Harris v. City of Marion, 79 F.3d 56, 59 (7th Cir. 1996). In previous cases, however, we have applied the deliberate indifference standard even to allegations of unconstitutional action (e.g., a doctor's errors in providing medical care). See, e.g., Williams v. O'Leary, 55 F.3d 320 (7th Cir.), cert. denied, 116 S. Ct. 527 (1995). And the Supreme Court has stated that deliberate indifference is similar to criminal recklessness, see Farmer, 114 S. Ct. at 1980, which may be used to describe both action and inaction. Thus, the "deliberate indifference" standard applies to this case, even though Mifflin's actions (rather than inactions) are at issue.

We believe that the evidence is sufficient to support the jury's verdict that Mifflin acted with deliberate indiffer- ence. As stated previously, a reasonable jury could infer from the evidence that Mifflin actively aided the assault against Pavlick. And even if he was not an aider and abettor, the jury could rationally infer that he knew he was exposing Pavlick to a substantial risk of serious harm. Contrary to Mifflin's assertion, the fact that Pavlick failed to produce a "smoking gun" (i.e., direct evidence of exactly what Mifflin knew) is not decisive in this case. Direct evidence of knowledge is difficult, and sometimes impossible to obtain; therefore the Supreme Court has held that deliberate indifference need not be proven by direct evidence. "Whether a prison official had the requisite knowledge of a substantial risk is a question of fact subject to demonstration in the usual ways, including inference from circumstantial evidence." Farmer, 114 S. Ct. at 1981; see also Haley, slip op. at 20-21; Grinder v. Gammon, 73 F.3d 793, 795-96 (8th Cir. 1996). In Farmer, the Supreme Court cautioned against "confusing a mental state [deliberate indifference] with the proof of its existence." Farmer, 114 S. Ct. at 1981 (citing Jerome Hall, General Principles of Criminal Law, 2d ed. 118 (Bobbs-Merrill 1960)). /4 Mifflin's argument appears to fall prey to such confusion: the fact that Pavlick's proof is circumstantial does not mean that it is insufficient for a rational jury to find deliberate indifference. /5

In essence, Pavlick's claim rests on two pieces of evidence. First, Mifflin was seen talking to a group of Northsiders immediately prior to the attack. Second, he was observed unlocking Pavlick's cell (an unusual action in itself) and promptly leaving the scene, allowing the attackers to enter and carry out the assault. Although a reasonable factfinder need not determine that Mifflin knew what was about to occur, the jury was entitled to conclude from these facts that Mifflin was aware that he was subjecting Pavlick to a substantial risk of serious harm. We have held similar facts sufficient to support liability in previous cases. See Watts v. Laurent, 774 F.2d 168, 173 (7th Cir. 1985) (evidence sufficient to hold three guards liable for attack on inmate because guards could have overheard threats made against inmate), cert. denied, 475 U.S. 1085 (1986); see also Richardson v. Penfold, 839 F.2d 392, 394-96 (7th Cir. 1988) (reversing grant of summary judgment in favor of guard: guard could be liable for the rape of an inmate (Richardson) because he allowed the rapist (Birch) to enter Richardson's cell despite Richardson's plea not to be left alone with Birch). /6

As a final note, Mifflin contends that his knowledge of the danger to Pavlick may not be proven by the fact that rumors were circulating concerning the planned hit on Hopkins. At least one court has noted that the fact that rumors are circulating in a large office might not be sufficient to demonstrate that an individual official has knowledge of a risk. See Williams v. Borough of West Chester, Pennsylvania, 891 F.2d 458, 466 (3d Cir. 1989) (affirming grant of summary judgment: evidence insufficient to find officers deliberately indifferent for failing to protect prisoner who committed suicide even though rumors of prisoner's suicidal tendencies were circulating). We need not decide, however, the significance of the rumors of the hit, because Pavlick's case does not ultimately rest on rumors. Unlike Williams, Watts, and Richardson, this case is not merely one of a prison official's alleged failure to protect an inmate. In failure to protect cases, the debate often exclusively concerns what the prison official knew and when he knew it because it is important to insure that guards are not held liable for failing to prevent the unforeseeable acts of third parties. In such cases, a prisoner's lawsuit may turn on whether a guard heard certain rumors and thus knew that the inmate was in danger. Here, however, the focus is on what Mifflin did rather than on what he failed to do: he was observed conversing with the attackers and opening Pavlick's cell door immediately prior to the assault. As we have noted, these facts potentially show more than simply knowledge of or acquiescence to the attack; they could lead a reasonable jury to conclude that Mifflin actually participated in the assault against Pavlick. Thus, the rumors are not necessary to demonstrate that Mifflin possessed the requisite mental state; the jury was entitled to draw the inference from his actions alone. /7

In conclusion, viewing the evidence in the light most favorable to Pavlick, a reasonable jury could have found that Mifflin acted with deliberate indifference. Accordingly, the judgment of the district court is

AFFIRMED.

The Blueprint: From Gangster Disciple to Growth and Development

2009-09-13T11:31:00.000-07:00

The Blueprint: From Gangster Disciple to Growth and Development

Book information

Title: The Blueprint: From Gangster Disciple to Growth and Development
Author: Rod Emery
Publisher: Morris Publishing, 1996
ISBN: 1575021773, 9781575021775
Format: Paperback, 118 pages

See also: Blueprint of the New Concept - Larry Hoover

The Blueprint: From Gangster Disciple to Growth and Development - Rod Emery
Chapter One: "The Gangster Disciples"
pp 10-15

The Black Gangster Disciple Nation was born out of two organizations. In the beginning, there were two separate organizations: The Disciple Nation, whose President was David Barksdale, and the Gangster Nation, whose President was Larry Hoover. There were many branches of both organizations.

David Barksdale

Some of the Disciple Nation under David Barksdale’s leadership were: Devit’s Disciples, Falcon Disciples, Royal Disciples, Renegade Disciples, Executioner Disciples, Boss Pimp disciples, East Side Disciples, Sircon Disciples, Motown Disciples, Dutchtown Disciples, Gonzato Disciples, Six-Tray Disciples, Maniac Disciples and four-Tray Disciples. Also during this period of time, David Barksdale controlled the Del Vikings, the Black Souls, and the West Side Cobras.

Larry Hoover

Some of the branches of the Gangster Nation under Larry Hoover’s leadership were: The Supreme Gangsters (the first branch was considered to be the father of the gangster nation), Imperial Gangsters, African Sniper Gangsters, Raven Gangsters, High Supreme Gangsters, Russian Gangsters, Maniac Gangsters, Mafia Gangsters , 75th Street Syndicate Gangsters, Outlaw Gangsters, 95th Street Supreme Gangsters, the Dells Gangsters, West Side Suprem Gangsters, Racketeer Gangsters, East side Syndicate Gangsters, Gent town Gangsters, and the Black Pimp Gangsters of the West Side.

Everybody in the City of Chicago who as a Disciple or a Gangster was under the leadership of David Barksdale or Larry Hoover, respectively. Up until that point in our history, no one in an organization had ever been referred to as a “King.”

At the time, the Vice Lords, the Blackstone Rangers (Stones) and the Disciples were the three major gangs (street organizations) in the City of Chicago. In terms of membership numbers and organizational structure, the Vice Lords were the first major gang in the Lawndale area. Some of the businesses that they opened were a Restaurant, clothing boutiques, Tastee Freeze, pool room, Teen Town Dance Studio and an art studio. In addition they offered many programs for the benefit of the community.The Vice Lords reached their peak between the years 1957 and 1967. They were the father of the “Super Gangs: and had their origin on the west side of Chicago. They were the forerunners of the concept of changing street gangs into organizations.

In the years 1963 and 1964, two southside street gangs started to take a form that would eventually evolve into two of the most powerful street organizations in Chicago. They were the Blackstone Rangers and the Black Disciples. During the reign of these two organizations, the Blackstone Rangers were believed to be the most organized because they held national recognition, support from prominent business men, entertainers, and politicians. They entered into business ventures with the late Sammy Davis Jr. and had the support of W. Clement Stone, a self-made millionaire and business entrepreneur. However, one of the most impressive displays of political power and community importance of a street organization came when Jeff Fort, leader of the Blackstone Rangers, was invited to the late Richard Nixon’s inauguration.

The Blackstone Rangers were originally founded by Eugene Hairston and Jeff Fort. Under Jeff Fort’s leadership they prospered and changed their organization’s name to “the Black P. Stone Nation” and eventually they became known as “the El Rukns.”

David Barksdale, the leader of the Black Disciple Nation, had an organization that was comparable to the Blackstone Rangers. Although he did not receive the same amount of national recognition, he was well known through the City of Chicago and was respected by his friends and feared by his foes. At the time, David Barksdale was the most revered street gang organizer in Chicago.

Cabrini-Green housing was Gangster Disciple headquarters

On the other hand, amongst these two major street organizations on the southside of Chicago were the Gangster: A young street organization striving for a place of high recognition and respect in the City of Chicago. The Blackstone Rangers and the Black Disciple Nation were vying to bring the Gangsters in as part of their respective organizations. Jeff Fort, as leader of the Black P. Stone nation, brought Larry Hoover an offer to incorporate the Gangsters as part of the Black P. Stone Nation’s structure as Gangster Stones and offered Hoover the less favorable position as an ambassador within the Black P. Stone Nation. In Hoover’s mind, such a merger would swallow up the Gangster identity. Therefore Hoover declined.

When Jeff Fort offered Hoover the opportunity to incorporate, he was unaware of just how strong the Gangsters were rapidly becoming. With branches of Gangsters throughout Chicago, Hoover’s empire had reached the Morgan Park area on the southwest side, across 95th Street and well into the far-south edges of the City. The Gangsters swelled from Ashland and Halsted on the west to Cottage Grove on the east. Pockets of Gangsters were scattered throughout every district on the southside of Chicago and membership was rapidly growing on the Westside. Larry Hoover had put together the Black Gangster Disciple Nation, which would vie for power and battle the Stones and Disciples for years to come.

In January 1969, David Barksdale, leader of eh Disciple Nation, developed a broader vision about the mission and purpose of street organizations (commonly referred to as “street gangs”). In essence, David was tired of the senseless violence and mayhem that was destroying the black community because of street gangs’ warfare. He struggled with the idea of how to bring an end to the constant gang warfare that existed between the Disciples and the Gangsters. He realized that such a state of existence would only bring about self-destruction in the lives of ghetto youth. Therefore, he made an offer that Hoover could not refuse. David proposed merging the two organizations with Hoover sharing equal power. From that merger, THE BLACK GANGSTER DISCIPLE NATION was born. This began the era of “Kings.”

Never before in the history of Chicago had gang leaders been known as “Kings.” Looking back, it was an ambiguous situation, but it was a necessary compromise to stop the gang wars and save the lives of members on both sides. David Barksdale was wise enough to know that by bringing Hoover an offer to share the throne of gang leadership as two Kings with equal power, Hoover would accept and thereby end the bloodshed between the two organizations. David was willing to give up so much because he had a broader vision and a creatively positive direction for the new organizations. Such were the circumstances surrounding the birth of “THE BLACK GANGSTER DISCIPLE NATION.”

The merger was uplifting for both organizations. It allowed many negative energies to turn into positive energies and together the two unified organizations became active in community affairs. They opened and operated a gas station, two restaurants, community clean-up programs and enforced school truancy policies. The Englewood Business men’s Association worked hand in hand with our organization for the betterment of the community. The Black Gangster Disciples were given a security contract for Wilson Junior College, located on 70th and Stewart Streets in the Englewood district. Our members were given jobs in the 63rd Street shopping concourse as security guards, salespersons and they also worked in the neighborhood bank. One of our members still holds the same job he acquired during this period.

The Business Men’s Association assisted us in obtaining centers for the organization. The first to open was on 63rd and Normal Streets and 61st and Halstad Streets, out of which David Barksdale operated a free breakfast program for the community. Another center was located at 6th and Halsted Streets, out of which Larry Hoover operated a free lunch program to feed the needy children in the community.

Our trouble as an organization began when we started dealing in big city politics. Before that, we were largely overlooked. We became active in community issues and got involved with the Reverend Jesse Jackson and Operation Breadbasket. We formed the LSD Coalition, which as an acronym for Lords, Stones and Disciples. We marched and picketed the “Red Rooster Grocery Store” which was a large food chain that contribute primarily to the black community. We were successful in shutting down the Red Rooster chain and stopped the selling of bad meat to the black community.

We marched with the Reverend Jesse Jackson to force the hiring of Black Contractors to help build Circle Campus; we made up 80% of the participants in that march. We marched nonviolently with Dr. Martin Luther King in Marquette Park during the peak of the Civil Rights Movement. We were fast becoming known as a potentially powerful grassroots organization that would carry the fight against racism, segregation, inequality and unemployment right up to the City Hall steps, as well as throughout the voting booths of the City of Chicago. In essence, we became a threat to the status quo of inner-city politics and the powers that be.

Mysteriously, all major street organizations had drugs made readily available to them for mass distribution throughout the black community. Of course, drugs had been in the black community all the time, but with very limited access. Then all of a sudden, as we matured into a power to be reckoned with, our membership began to receive highly lucrative offers (from here to fore unknown sources), to package and distribute drugs for a living. After becoming so positively involved in the social and political aspects of our communities, drugs were introduced to shut us up politically and appease us financially. However, drugs also ended the positive direction of our organization’s movement. In that sense, the powers that be could not have (been) happier. As an organization, we had fallen into their trap and they closed the door and swallowed the key.

Shortly before the flood of drugs into the black community, there was a spirit of camaraderie, a sense of belonging which fostered love (our 1st principle), honesty and a feeling of being a part of something great, our organization. Many problems were solved in our neighborhoods because everyone looked upon each other as part of the same family. Drug dealers and users were initially frowned upon. Nevertheless, with the huge and lucrative influx of drugs, suddenly drug dealers were success stories; the role models for instant riches; representatives of “the good life.”

Our organization lost many of its members to the drug game either directly or indirectly. The positive potential that these lost members had in unimaginable and immeasurable. Through drug usage, loyalties shifted or became non-existent. Those who were not consumers splintered off ot control turf or neighborhood strips. Our losses continued to swell. Many of our members became known as the “walking dead” (dopefiends) and were constantly in and out of jail and prisons throughout the State of Illinois, as well as the Country of America. As far as the positive growth and development of the members of our organization is concerned, the users, sellers, and all associated with the drug trap paid a price that has yet to be tallied.

While jobs, social and educational programs are constantly being slashed out of the government budget, drugs have become an industry in the black community as well as in poor communities nationwide. Some of us who were caught in the trap have become aware of the fact that a great change is needed in our lifestyles. Larry Hoover is one of us who has become aware and his message is that we need to focus our energies toward eradicating the predicament that we find ourselves in.

The “BLUEPRINT” will not only enrich our lives, but it is a progressive step for many of us in the return to a positive direction. - Rod Emery

Blueprint of the New Concept - Larry Hoover

2009-09-13T11:30:00.001-07:00

Blueprint of the New Concept
aka: Gangster Disciple book of knowledge
aka: Folk Nation book of knowledge

aka: Blueprint for Growth and Development

Larry Hoover, the leader of the Gangster Disciples Nation based in Chicago, closely monitored the evolution of the American mafia from its humble “Black Hand” origins at the turn of the century, through its successful infiltration of legitimate business. Al Capone was Larry Hoover's hero. Jeff Fort, leader of the Blackstone Rangers during the formative years of the 1960s, built the foundation from which Hoover added organizational refinements.

In 1983, Hoover drafted a manifesto titled the “Blueprint of the New Concept,” which outlined the six principles of “Growth and Development.” The principles are also called the universal laws of existence and/or the six points of "Growth & Development." From clockwise, beginning at the eleven o'clock position on the star, the points correlate with the six "King David" principles: Love, Life, Loyalty, Knowledge, Wisdom, and Understanding. A quasi-executive board which Hoover called the “Brothers Of the Struggle” B.O.S., or BOSS for "Brothers Of the Strong Struggle," was founded at Stateville Penitentiary in 1983 for the purpose of establishing a management structure.

Gangster Disciples have a nationwide membership that exceeds 100,000.

In Illinois alone, 8,000 GD's are serving time in state prison. Another 30,000 GD's are roaming the streets of Chicago.

See also: The Blueprint: From Gangster Disciple to Growth and Development - Rod Emery

POLLS

2009-09-09T14:41:00.000-07:00

More polls coming soon.

Hammerskin Nation

2009-09-04T01:45:00.000-07:00

The Hammerskin Nation is the most violent and best organized neo-Nazi Skinhead group in the World. As a former member of WHS and HSN, I would like to give you some background information on this group that's starting its third decade of HATE.

This Nation of HATE started in 1987 as a group of young skinheads got together and decided to form a group; they just needed a name. Many ideas were tossed around; finally Confederate Hammer Skins was the chosen name. After all they were from the south, so they used the Confederate Battle Flag with the marching Hammers form Pink Floyd’s movie The WALL. Apparently, it was a wise decision on their part. Little did anyone know it would flourish into what is today the largest skinhead group on the globe. With that, the very first Hammerskin chapter was born. Sean and Liz Tarrant, Jon Jordan, Michael Lawrence, Christopher Greer and Daniel Wood became the founding members. CHS (as they were known) intended to set the standard amongst skinheads in the U.S. Hammerskins wanted to show people that there were the best and that they would promote the 14 words. “We must secure the existence of our race and a future for white children.”

The Wall - Pink Floyd - Run Like Hell

In early 1988 Hammerskins attend marches in Pulaski, Tennessee, and the Sedition Trials in Ft. Smith, Arkansas. By summer of 1988, skinheads in Oklahoma City and Tulsa, Oklahoma; Waco, Texas; and Memphis, Tennessee, became part of the CHS phenomena. Christopher Jones, Daniel “RIP” Roush and Forrest Hyde fast became leader in CHS in Oklahoma. Almost simultaneously Hammerskins chapter began to spurt up everywhere. Holland moved north to Detroit and Helped to form Northern Hammerskin or NHS (as they were known). CHS and NHS were flourishing . Around the same time of the first Aryan Fest was in the works, in Oklahoma. Aryan Fests were always used as a way to bring skinheads together. The Hammerskin used the Aryan Fest to expand, making connection with skinhead from all over the US. After Aryan Fest `88 the Springfield, Missouri, chapter of CHS was founded. The Hammerskin presence was becoming a formidable one. Another contact was made in late 1988. This time it would take Hammerskins to the east coast and Portland, Maine. This chapter would be the beginning of what is now EHS.Towards the latter months of 1988 a Hammerskin chapter sprung up in Hollister, in Northern California. They used the name CHS as well, because there was no official WHS yet. This chapter came about from contacts made with WAR skins when Holland from NHS met them on the set of the Oprah Winfrey talk show, in Chicago, in 1987. By the end of 1989 Hammerskins were BI-coastal.

Aryan Fest 1989 was another chance to forge strong bonds with skinheads from around the US and World wide. “I can’t help but feel that we are our worst enemies at times“as Liz Tarrent would later say, by the fall of 1989 Hammerskins were experiencing the problems of rumors, gossip, back stabbing, and in fighting was the typical norm, no Hammer at this time was immune from it destroying power. “Much of our growth, I believe, was due to the heavy publicity in the beginning“, Liz would comment. The friendship with Tom Metzger, at the time, led to a lot of exposure in the WAR (White Aryan Resistance) newspaper and Aryan Fest videos; these along with other zines such as, Blood and Honor, Pure Impact, Final War, and numerous lesser ones, were promoting Hammerskin and made them a household name in the Skinhead movement. Calls from TV shows such as, 60 Minutes, 20/20, amongst others were badgering for interviews. The exposure has a two edged sword, while the media exposure help swell the numbers of Hammerskins it also help to make them a target for law enforcement agencies at the same time. At that point, people wanted to either became a Hammerskin or kill one. They had all the attention they ask for and the Hammerskin had to learn their lesson the hard way.

In the fall of 1989, Indictments were handed down, in which 5 member of the Dallas CHS were convicted on “conspiracy to violate the civil rights of blacks and Jews”. The sentences ranged from 4 1/2 - 9 1/2 years. Similar charges would follow with Christopher Jones, Daniel “RIP” Roush and Forrest Hyde, being convicted. Hammerskins were learning the hard way At some point during late `89, or early 1990, an Eastern Hammerskin chapter was founded and out west, a group of skinheads in Phoenix, Arizona, set themselves up as AHS, Arizona Hammerskins founded by Jimmy "Soda Pop" Miller. Jimmy was convicted of firebombed a residence he mistakenly thought was occupied by rival skinheads and defaced a synagogue. He was sentenced to five years for these crimes, but only served two years in prison. At the same time in Southern California, Western Hammer Skins, were founded . At the for front of the chapters was Ashley Brown, Dave Van VanVooris and Paul Smith, and Geremy Reinnman. The ground work had been laid, and in the first 2 and half years, and Hammerskins were now a fully functioning National Organization.

The next event of major importance was the formation of “Hammerskin Nation“in late 1990 and early 1991. The concept was designed to do away with the regional titles at first: CHS, NHS, EHS, and WHS along with the regional patches were to done away with, and were to unite under one common Hammerskin Nation banner. Hammerskins had divided themselves and it was time to remove all the walls of division., If Hammerskins were to represent one Nation and one Volk, then it was time to, became a Hammerskin Nation! Yet, the regions would win out in the end and keep their regional patches in addition to having to wear the new Hammerskin Nation patch. Hammerskin Nation became much more technologically savvy, starting or helped to promote many skinhead shows throughout the world, and produced a few publications. Many Hammerskin band were the driving force behind the birth of the racist record label Resistance Records.

One of the most important moments in the expansion of HSN history was the inception of Hammerskins Nation in Europe, under the watchful eye of Ed of NHS. Hammerskin Nation spread internationally into Switzerland, Northern Ireland, Germany, France, the Czech Republic, England, Italy, Spain and the Netherlands. By 1993 Hammerskins would claim Australia, Canada. Canadian skinheads were welcomed under the NHS banner. Several other Canadian cities such as Montreal, Winnipeg, Ottawa and Surrey, British Columbia. Would become what is known today as VHS, Vinland Hammer Skins. In 1999 a National Conference Meeting for HSN was held,followed by a concert, billed as Hammerfest. Which was a big success for HSN, in the fact that it helped to strengthen the brotherhood in the now world wide racist group. At the meeting regional boundaries were redrawn to make way for a two new regions, and MHS, Midland Hammerskins was Founded and a short time late NWHS, Northwest Hammerskin were founded.

From the founding of CHS to the birth of Hammerskin Nation member of this skinhead gang have been charged with murder, attempted murder, conspiracy to commit murder, violation of civil right and hate crimes. As Hammerskin Nation enters its 20th year, it seams they will remain the most dangerous skinhead gang in the US. -TJ Leyden

HSN number codes:

38 = Crossed Hammers

386 = Crossed Hammers Forever

55/HFFH = Hammerskins Forever - Forever Hammerskins
H/8 F/6 8+6=14 Now if you break down 14 1+4=5

Hammerskin chapters

Neo-Nazi Skinheads

2009-09-04T01:23:00.000-07:00

RACIST SKINHEADS IN THE U.S.

Despite widespread media coverage and consistent monitoring by civil rights organizations, racist skinhead gangs in the United States remain understudied by social scientists. While American skinheads are a relatively small portion of the overall gang picture, they have maintained a continuous presence in the United States for the last twenty-five years and can be found in every region of the country. Although American skinheads have been neglected in the academic literature, the original British skinheads received considerable scholarly attention. Using a neo-Marxist inspired conception of youth subculture, these studies tended to focus exclusively upon style, which they explained as an attempt to resolve a marginal working-class status in a class·based society. One of the consistent controversies surrounding the study of skinheads has been whether to define them as stylistic subcultures (as British scholars did), gangs, hate groups, or even terrorists. In the United States skinheads have typically been excluded from gang studies on the grounds that they are better understood as “hate groups” and/or "terrorists” sharing little in common with traditional street gangs. In contrast to street gangs, racist skinheads have been portrayed as closely organized around an ideological system of “Aryan supremacy" and as lacking traditional gang territorial claims. Moreover, it is commonly believed that skinheads differ from traditional gangs in that they do not spend significant amounts of time “hanging out" on the streets; instead, they are said to be “inside . . .working on their materials; or if outside, they’re looking for a target, not just lounging around . . . skinheads are focused, always planning. . . . Skins prefer narrower ranges of trouble.”

Yet a careful review of the literature suggests the inadequacy of conceptualizations of racist skinheads as completely distinct from traditional youth street gangs. Stephen Baron‘s (I997) study of Canadian racist skinheads and Erik Anderson‘s (1987) study of San Francisco skinheads, for example, found these youth to be neither highly organized nor politicized. Skinhead youth lived on the streets or in other transient circumstances (e.g., crashpads) and often used violent and other criminal means for survival and the settlement of disputes with other urban and suburban youth cliques. This chapter examines the early development of U.S. racist skinhead gangs, their organizational characteristics including the relationship between skinheads and white supremacist groups, and current trends within the skinhead scene.

The Development of American Skinheads

Although the skinhead style spread to America through a process of international cultural diffusion, American skinhead gangs formed in response to changes in local punk rock scenes as well as larger changes in the wider social structure. ln the late 1970s, local punk rock scenes starting getting "hardcore,” which signaled a more violent and suburban trend in punk rock. Hardcore referred to a faster style of music and a more hostile attitude, which was expressed through random violence directed at other punks during music shows. For younger suburban kids, hardcore aggressiveness provided an important security device from those antagonistic toward punk style. During this time, the skinhead style evolved from hardcore and, similar to hardcore, became a popular alternative to kids attracted to an ultra-aggressive style. In the early 1980s, local youth cliques across urban and suburban areas in the United States began forming skinhead gangs. The first skinhead gangs bonded around identity markers and shared interests (e.g., shaved heads, clothing styles, musical preferences, slang, tattoos, etc.). Skinheads were building a collective identity with organizational names, initiation rites, semi·hierarchical social roles, and nonspecialized, “garden-variety” delinquency (e.g., vandalism, under-age drinking, petty theft, and maybe most important, fighting). Yet skinhead identity was also loose, unstructured, and tied to social gatherings that were relatively unregulated, allowing for the innovation needed to create oppositional identities. Most skinheads describe their early participation as involving "street socialization" within urban and suburban locales such as malls, parks, music shows, etc. Street socialization is a street·based process providing peer guidance, creating an alternate set of values and norms among youth who lack parental supervision and positive school experiences. Contrary to what some observers contend, skinhead gangs have not been devoid of local neighborhood-based territoriality which can be seen in their choice of gang names (e.g., South Bay Skins, San Francisco Skins, etc.) and claiming specific locations, such as parks or music clubs by using graffiti “tags" and other more physically aggressive means.

In addition to changes in local punk scenes, skinhead gangs were also forming in response to changes involving the larger socio·political environment. Since the mid-1960s, increasing "non-white" immigration had been significantly altering U.S. demographics. Initially the skinhead response to these changes bore great resemblance to the kinds of conflict that ethnic/racial migration spurred in New York and other large urban centers only a few decades earlier. Race was only implicitly important, in much the way that it was to the punks. The majority of (but not all) punks and skinheads were white youth, and although pockets of explicitly racist sentiments existed among punks and the early skinheads, racist political activism was not a primary emphasis before the late 1980s.

History of Skinheads in the UK

A significant component of skinhead culture is their appearance. Traditionally skinhead style included closely cropped hair or shaved head, work pants or denim jeans, Doc Marten steel·toed work boots, suspenders, and tattoos. As one observer pointed out, skinheads dressed like a “caricature of the model worker." Skinhead culture began in Great Britain and developed in two waves through the 1960s and 1970s. The first skinheads emerged in Great Britain in the late 1960s in response to deteriorating traditional working-class communities stemming from a stagnating economy, competition with immigrants for scarce jobs, and withering neighborhood traditions. While they did not explicitly associate themselves with Nazism, they were ardently nationalist in political orientation and fervently opposed to foreign immigration, which was reflected by their affinity for violently attacking Pakistani immigrants aka "Paki-bashing.” The first skinheads "were aware that they attended the worst schools, lived in the poorest districts, and had the worst jobs with the smallest wages. They perceived hippies in the same way as they viewed students, as idle layabouts living off the state.”

While the first skinheads defined themselves along themes of nationalism, ultra-masculinity, and working-class issues (e.g., lack of economic opportunity), they expressed political sentiments primarily through stylistic imagery, hence, they were not typically involved in traditional, organized political activities (e.g., unions, political parties, marches, etc.), This lack of politicization began to change as a second wave of English skinheads emerged in the late 1970s and tentatively became associated with the National Front (NF) and the British National Party (BNP), extreme right-wing political parties, who saw the utility of drawing disaffected white youth into their ranks. The second wave of skinheads spread beyond Britain and emerged in several other European countries as well as North America.

The Organizational Characteristics of Skinhead Gangs

Most skinheads become involved between the ages of twelve and nineteen, are predominantly male (60-70 percent), and tend to coalesce around a unique subculture that is autonomous and distinct from adult hate groups such as the Klan. Because skinheads have maintained a presence in the United States since the late 1970s, there are now skinheads in their early forties, however, very little is known about these “O.G.” skinheads or more generally about how aging affects a skinhead’s identity or life course trajectory. Many skinhead gangs are short·lived and have overlapping membership (e.g., sometimes a smaller skinhead clique will be completely compromised of members from other larger skinhead gangs). Most skinhead gangs are either organized at the state-level (e.g., West Virginia Skinheads), county and/or city-level (e.g., Orange County Skins, las Vegas Skins), or even neighborhood and/or school-based (e.g., Milwaukee Eastside Bullies). One of the few exceptions is the Hammerskin Nation (HSN) which is an international skinhead organization that was originally formed in Dallas, Texas, in 1988. Currently the HSN has five regional chapters in the United States (e.g., Northern Hammers, Midland Hammers, etc.) and outside the United States an additional ten countries also have official HSN chapters.

Through much of the 1980s the skinhead scene was an umbrella without clearly demarcated boundaries, allowing fluid forms of participation; yet there emerged within the scene subgroups with clearer boundaries of membership (skinheads often referred to these as “crews"). Over the years as some skinhead gangs became closely aligned with white supremacist groups the distinction between racist and anti-racist skinheads has become relatively clear-cut; however, this was not the case initially, as factions along lines of racial ideology were originally much blurrier Even today some ambiguity continues to persist as skinheads change allegiances between racist and anti·racist. In conclusion, the most important lessons of skinhead gangs involve three points: (1) racist skinhead gangs do not fit neatly in any one particular category—they are diverse and change frequently; (2.) despite rapid turnover and group splintering, the U.S. skinhead scene has been able to persist; and (3) although some skinhead gangs have become a branch of the contemporary white supremacist movement, many other skinhead gangs remain oppositional in localized terms without a clear political program for broad social change. -Encyclopedia of Gangs 2007

Ian Stuart Donaldson

To a considerable degree, the emergence of neo-Nazi Skinheads can be attributed to British singer Ian Stuart Donaldson (often referred to as Ian Stuart), who began as a punk rocker but by the 1980s had transformed himself and his band, Skrewdriver, into explicit promoters of racism and white supremacy. Racist "Oi!" music was a genre of punk music that was popular among early skinheads. By the early 1980s, white power bands in Europe and the U.S. played racist Oi!, racist hardcore punk (often called hatecore), and racist metal music.

During the ensuing decade, hate music (often called "WP music," or "white power music," and "R.A.C.," or "Rock Against Communism") increased its hold among young racists around the world. When Ian Stuart Donaldson died in an auto accident in 1993, he became a white supremacist icon. He did not live to see the transformation of his legacy, however. Within a few years of his death, the emergence of the World Wide Web radically altered the world of hate music, making it dramatically more accessible, more global, more visible, and more lucrative.

HATE MUSIC

* Racist Oi!/RAC: The oldest genre of hate music is derived from Oi!, an offshoot of punk music that originated in the 1970s and became heavily associated with the emerging skinhead subculture. In the wake of Skrewdriver, some racist Oi! bands emerged, sometimes calling their music RAC (Rock Against Communism).

* Hatecore: Hatecore is essentially a racist version of hardcore punk, a musical subgenre that emerged in the U.S. in the early 1980s. Some hardcore punk musicians later merged it with heavy metal music to create thrash or speed metal; there are racist versions of this as well.

Hate Rock music is now a major recruitment tool and source of funding for hate groups. Many hate group members, especially neo-Nazi skinheads, have been drawn to white supremacy by listening to hate rock on the Internet, on CDs, and at concerts, often promoted and coordinated online, where crowds violently slamdance to the music of bands such as Angry Aryans, Blue Eyed Devils, and H8Machine.

Skinheads in a "moshpit"

See also: LIST OF HATE ROCK BANDS

Criminal Skinheads

Criminally motivated skinhead groups spend most of their time engaged in for-profit criminal activities, such as drug sales and burglaries. Incidental to their criminal activity, they commit hate crimes. Criminally motivated skinheads are typically classified by law enforcement agencies as criminals first, and haters second. The San Fernando Valley Peckerwoods (SVP) in California was a criminally motivated skinhead group. SVP members primarily sold meth-amphetamines and committed residential burglaries. Periodically, SVP members attacked minorities with weapons and, on one occasion, placed packages resembling bombs near an apartment complex where black people lived. Members intended for the fake bombs to frighten current residents to relocate and to discourage other black families from moving into the complex.

Criminal Skinhead Gangs: Public Enemy Number One (PENI), Peckerwoods

Hate Code

A=1 B=2 C=3 D=4 E=5 F=6 G=7 H=8 I=9

8/H= Hate

88/HH= Heil Hitler

18/AH= Adolf Hitler

58/EH= Extreme Hatred

83/HK= Haken Kreuz: German for Swastika

83/HC= Heil Christ: Used by racist Christian groups

5 Words= I have nothing to say

16/AF= American Front

816= Heil American Front

28= Blood and Honour

828/HBH= Heil Blood and Honour

228/BBH= Brotherhood Blood and Honour

211/BAA= Brotherhood of Aryan Alliance

38= Crossed Hammers

386= Crossed Hammers Forever

311 or 3/11= Ku Klux Klan

23= White or Wood (short for Peckerwood)

14 Words= We must secure the existence of our people and a future for White children.

14 Words for Women= Because the beauty of the White Aryan women must not perish from the Earth.

55/HF-FH= Hammerskins Forever-Forever Hammerskin
H/8 F/6 8+6=14 Now if you break down 14 1+4=5

RACIST SKINHEAD GROUPS: ALPHABETICAL LIST

American Front
American Thule Society (ATS)
Arizona Hammerskins
Arizona Northern American Skinheads/SS Guardians (ANAS/SSG)
Aryan Fourth Reich Skins
Aryan Renaissance Society/Aryan Fourth Reich Skins
Atlantic City Skinheads/AC Skins
Bergen County Hooligans (BCH)
Blood and Honour
Blood and Honour Kentucky
Blood and Honour/Combat 18
Canyon State Skinheads
Central New York White Pride
Combat 18
Confederate Hammerskins (CHS)
Confederation of Racialist Working Class Skinheads (CRW Skinheads)
C.O.O.R.S. (Comrades of Our Race's Struggle)
- Family Skins/Coors Family Skinheads (CFS)
Deadline Skinheads/Deadline Family Skins
Deaths Head Hooligans (DHH)
East Coast Aryan Brotherhood
East Coast Aryan Brotherhood (ECAB)
East Coast Hate Crew (ECHC)
Eastern Hammerskins (EHS)
Eastern Washington Skinheads
Family Affiliated Irish Mafia (FAIM)
Final Stand Records
Fond du Lac Skins
Free Your Mind Productions
Furiat
Goetterdaemmerung National Socialist Korps
Golden State Skinheads
Hammerskin Nation
Hated Skins
Hoosier State Skinheads (HSS)
Insane Peckerwood Society
Insane White Boys
Iron Eagle Skinheads
Keystone United (formerly Keystone State Skinheads KSS)
Lake County Skinheads
Lancaster Skins
Las Vegas Skinheads
Maryland Skinheads
Micetrap White Power Music
Midland Hammerskins
Midland Hammerskins/Midland Skins
Milwaukee East Side Bullies
Montana Front Working Class Skinheads
National Socialist Skinhead Front (NSSF)
National Socialist White People`s Party
Nazi Low Riders (NLR)
New Jersey State Prison Skins
New Order Skins
Northern California Aryan Volk (NCAV)
Northern Hammerskins
Northside Wrecking Crew
Northwest Hammerskins (NWHS
Norwalk Skins
Ohio State Skinheads
Old Glory Skins
Orange County Skins
Outlaw Hammerskins (OHS)
Panzerfaust Records
Peckerwood Syndicate
PENI Skins (Public Enemy Number 1 Skins)
Racine County Skins
Retaliator Skinheads
River City Skins
Roswell Aryan Front
Salt City Skins
San Fernando Valley Skins
Scioto Valley Skinheads
Scioto Valley Skinheads/Scioto Skins
Show-Me State Skinheads/St. Louis Crew
Silent Aryan Warriors (SAW)
Skinhead Dogs
Skinheadz
Small Town Peckerwoods
So Cal Assassins (SCA Peckerwoods)
Society Skin Nation
Soldiers of Aryan Culture (SAC)
South Florida Aryan Alliance (SFAA)
Southeastern Pennsylvania White Pride
Southern California Skinheads
TCB (Taking Care of Business) Hate Crew
The Pride
Those Opposed
Tualatin Valley Skins
United Skinheads of Atlanta
UOAS (Universal Order of Aryan Skinheads)
Upfront Records/Intimidation One
Vinland Winds Records
Volksfront
West Virginia Skinheads
Western Hammerskins
White Heat Productions
White Plague Skinheads (WPS)
White Plague Skinheads (WPS) Byrd Division
White Plague Skins (WPS)
White Power Liberation Front (WPLF)
White Wolves

Clayton Fountain 89129-132

2009-09-03T01:02:00.000-07:00

Clay Fountain

Clayton Anthony Fountain (1955 -- 2004) was born into a military family at Fort Benning, GA. As a young man he himself entered the armed services. While stationed in the Philippines in the 1970’s Clayton murdered his immediate military superior, for which he was incarcerated and consigned to the Federal Penitentiary at Marion, IL. While at Marion, Clayton murdered three prisoners and one guard. These acts merited Clayton's designation as “Most Dangerous Prisoner” in the federal system.

In 1983 Clayton was moved to the U.S. Medical Center for Federal Prisoners in Springfield, Missouri. There, he was confined in a “Special Housing Unit” (SHU) where he lived for over twenty years in virtual isolation from everyone except for specially authorized personnel. In 2004, Fountain died of a heart attack.

See also: Aryan Brotherhood; AB members & associates ; Aryan Brotherhood of Texas; AB Trial 2006; Dallas Scott; Thomas Silverstein

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Why the Death Penalty

Officer Hoffman was murdered by prisoner Clay Fountain. Fountain managed to slip off his handcuffs and stab one of the three officers escorting him back to his cell. The other two officers rushed in. One of these officers was injured and the other, Officer Hoffman, was killed attempting to protect his fallen comrade. Following this unprovoked, brutal stabbing, inmate Fountain waved his arms in a victory expression as he walked down the cell ranges in front of other inmates. This inmate was serving a life sentence for the murder of a staff sergeant while in the United States Marines. He had repeatedly engaged in extremely violent acts, including the murders of inmates in 1979, 1981, and 1982. He was serving three life sentences at the time he murdered Officer Hoffman......

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"Inmates were frequently killing each other not because of any actual slight but because of the color of their skin. In one incident, Silverstein and an A.B. associate, Clayton Fountain, who, according to a friend, was eager to "make his bones," stabbed a leader of the rival gang D.C. Blacks sixty-seven times in the shower, then dragged his bloody corpse through the tiers while other white inmates chanted racial slurs. After Silverstein was charged with murdering another inmate, he boasted in court, "I have walked over dead bodies. I've had guts splattered all over my chest from race wars."

On a Saturday morning in the fall of 1983, at Marion federal prison, in southern Illinois, Thomas Silverstein waited for guards to take him for a routine shower. Marion, which is about a hundred miles southeast of St. Louis, was opened in 1963, the year that Alcatraz closed, and was designed to cope with the profusion of violent gang members--in particular, men like Silverstein, who by then had been convicted of murdering three inmates and had earned the nickname Terrible Tom (as he often signed his letters, with looping strokes).

Before taking Silverstein to the bathroom, the guards frisked him, to make sure he hadn't fashioned any weapons. (He often had pens and other sketching tools for his art work.) They also shackled his wrists. Three guards surrounded him, one of whom was a hard-nosed, nineteen-year veteran with military-style gray hair named Merle Clutts. Clutts, who was to retire in a few months, was perhaps the only guard in the unit who didn't fear Silverstein; he once reportedly told him, "Hey, I'm running this *beep* You ain't running it."

As the guards escorted Silverstein through the prison, he paused outside the cell of another gang member--who, as planned, suddenly reached between the bars and, with a handcuff key, unlocked Silverstein's shackles. Silverstein pulled a nearly foot-long knife from his conspirator's waistband. "This is between me and Clutts," Silverstein hollered as he rushed toward him.

One of the other guards screamed, "He's got a shank!" But Clutts was already cornered, without a weapon. He raised his hands while Silverstein stabbed him in the stomach. "He was just sticking Officer Clutts with that knife," another guard later recalled. "He was just sticking and sticking and sticking." By the time Silverstein relinquished the knife--"The man disrespected me," he told the guards. "I had to get him"--Clutts had been stabbed forty times. He died shortly afterward.

A few hours later, Clayton Fountain, Silverstein's close friend, was being led through the prison when he paused by another inmate's cell. In an instant, he, too, was free. "You *beep* want a piece of this?" he yelled, waving a blade. He stabbed three more guards. One died in the arms of his son, who also worked in the prison. Fountain reportedly said that he didn't want Silverstein to have a higher body count.

It was the first time in the history of American federal prisons that two guards had been killed on the same day. "You got to understand," Thompson said. "Here were guys in restraints, locked in the Hole in the most secure prison, and they were still able to get to the guards. It sent a simple message: We can get to you anywhere, anytime."

----------------

"On October 22, 1983, a Marion inmate named Thomas Silverstein managed to shake the federal prison system to its core. Returning to his cell from his weekly shower, handcuffed and escorted by three guards, Silverstein paused outside the H-unit cell of another inmate, Randy Gometz. In the flash of an eye, Gometz reached through the bars, unlocked Silverstein's cuffs with a hidden key and passed him a "shank"--a homemade knife.

Silverstein broke away from two of his captors and cornered the third, Officer Merle Clutts, who'd been distracted by another prisoner. By the time Silverstein was subdued, Clutts had been fatally wounded, stabbed more than forty times.

Later that same day, another H-unit inmate, Clay Fountain, performed a similar handcuff trick, killed another guard and stabbed two others. Like Silverstein, Fountain was already serving three life terms for the murders of other inmates. Both men were reputed members of the Aryan Brotherhood, with a pathological hatred of corrections officers; both had virtually nothing to lose. Prison legend has it that Fountain didn't want Silverstein to "get ahead" in the body count.

The murders triggered a lockdown of the entire prison--a lockdown that, with few modifications, persists to this day. In testimony before Congress and in media interviews, BOP officials still invoke the deaths of the two guards as ample justification for their policies regarding predatory inmates."

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"In one infamous 24-hour period in 1983, two AB lifers escaped their handcuffs and killed two guards in the most secure unit of the federal penitentiary in Marion, Illinois. They did it, most chroniclers of the event agree, for sport as much as spite, simply because they could -- spurring the outcry for a federal supermax that eventually led to the construction of ADX, the "Alcatraz of the Rockies." Yet despite being housed in the bowels of ADX, Mills and Tyler Davis "The Hulk" Bingham have allegedly continued to direct AB activities in other prisons, including the killing of black inmates in Illinois and Pennsylvania during a racially charged turf war in the late 1990s."

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Clayton’s religious conversion

Clayton writes: Not long after my placement in the SHU I underwent a five year “trial-by-fire purification” process in which God worked to purge me of the inner ‘poisons’ (that is, hatred, rage, bias, bitterness, revenge, vengeance, violence, and so forth) that I had foolishly permitted to control much of my life so that I not only failed to make responsible choices and decisions for my life, but also ended up in prison. (From a letter to Fr Mark.)

Clayton’s conversion process resulted in his receiving Catholic baptism and confirmation both on Easter Sunday, April 19, 1992.

Simultaneous to Clayton’s moral turnaround and religious conversions, he embarked on an intellectual adventure as well. Through correspondence courses, Clayton was granted, first a high school diploma, and later an AA degree (in 1997), and a Bachelor of Specialized Studies (in 2000), the latter two both from The Ohio University. In addition, he was awarded the Catechetical Diploma from the Catholic Distance University in 2001. At the time of his death, Clayton was already enrolled in the Master’s Degree program at CDU with hopes to seek admission to a Doctor of Theology program

In his Catholic period, Clayton made the acquaintance with our Fr Robert and with Fr Paul Jones, one of our other two Family Brothers. These became Clayton’s spiritual mentors. Through their guidance, Clayton was able to sustain and deepen his conversion. He creatively turned his solitary confinement into a rich and full eremitical life, follow a fairly detailed daily regime of prayer, study, exercise, and work.

The monks of Assumption Abbey are proud to include Clayton among their members. His life resembles in many ways the most dramatic stories of the early Desert Fathers. One is reminded, too, of the story of St Bernard. Return to Clairvaux after a trip, Bernard came across a murderer being led by the authorities to his execution. Bernard spoke to the captain: “Give him to me, and I will put him to death myself,” referring, of course, to the to sin and conversion to Christ in the Cistercian monastic way of life.

Chappelle murder

2009-09-03T00:42:00.000-07:00

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Plaintiff-Appellee,
v.
THOMAS E. SILVERSTEIN, ADOLPH REYNOSA, CLAYTON A. FOUNTAIN, and EDGAR HEVLE, Defendants-Appellants
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SEVENTH CIRCUIT
Nos. 82-2453, 82-2454, 82-2456, 82-2457
February 13, 1984, Argued—April 26, 1984, Decided

[source]

Circuit Judge.

These appeals by Thomas Silverstein, Clayton Fountain, Edgar Hevle, and Adolph Reynosa from their convictions for complicity in the murder of an inmate at Marion Penitentiary, the nation's maximum-security federal prison, Garza v. Miller, 688 F.2d 480, 482 (7th Cir. 1982), afford a horrifying glimpse of the sordid and lethal world of modern prison gangs. The story begins with a chance encounter in 1981 of three prisoners -- Galez, Perumean, and defendant Silverstein -- in a county jail where they were being held en route to various prisons. Galez, who like Silverstein had come from Marion, told Perumean, and Silverstein confirmed, that a black inmate at Marion named Chappelle had "disrespected" Vargas, a member of the prison gang known as the Mexican Mafia. Galez reported that Vargas had planned to kill Chappelle but had given up the idea when guards had discovered and confiscated the knife he had secreted in his cell for this purpose. Silverstein was a member of another prison gang, a gang of white men known as the Aryan Brotherhood, its symbol being the three-leaf shamrock. He was, indeed, a member of the three-man "commission" that governs the Aryan Brotherhood. To qualify for membership in the Aryan Brotherhood you must "make bones." As one prisoner explained, "In effect what it means is you will kill somebody. They distinguish the weed [sic] from the shaft [sic]. You must have a killer instinct. This is to be among an elite and it's not for just any particular white guy." The Aryan Brotherhood and the Mexican Mafia are allied, among other things in their hostility to black inmates, who have their own gangs. (On the contemporary problem of prison gangs see Fox, Organizational and Racial Conflict in Maximum-Security Prisons, chs. 3 and 5 (1982), especially at p. 136; Jacobs, New Perspectives on Prisons and Imprisonment, ch. 3 (1983); Jacobs, Stateville: The Pentitentiary in Mass Society, ch. 6 (1977); Porter, California Prison Gangs: The Price of Control, Corrections Magazine, Dec. 1982, at 6.)

Later in 1981, two inmates at Marion -- David Ownes, a member of the Aryan Brotherhood (and the government's principal witness at the trial), and defendant Hevle, a member of the Aryan Brotherhood's commission -- were talking, and Owens expressed dissatisfaction with the fact that the Brotherhood had done nothing to avenge the insult to Vargas, a member of an allied gang. Hevle told Owens that the Mexican Mafia should be given time to do 1342 something on its own. Soon afterward Perumean and defendant Reynosa (Reynosa a member, Perumean an "associate," of the Mexican Mafia) found themselves confined in another part of Marion -- the "Control Unit" (also known as "H-Unit"), where the most refractory inmates are kept. Reynosa,, who earlier had told Perumean that he too was upset that the Mexican Mafia had done nothing to avenge Vargas, now (August 1981) told Perumean that he had heard that Chappelle, the "disrespecter" of Vargas, was being moved to the Control Unit. The said "they" were planning to kill Chappelle and that although he did not know what "range" (group of cells) in the Control Unit Chappelle would be on, "they" had people on every range. If Chappelle went to D Range, "we" would get him (presumably, the Mexican Mafia -- Reynosa and Perumean were in D range). If he went to C range, Tommy Silverstein (now back in Marion, and confined in the C range of the Control Unit) would get him, since Silverstein owed Reynosa a favor.

The Control Unit at Marion has four ranges, A through D, together housing 36 inmates on average. The ranges are locked at each end and each cell has only one occupant, who is let out of his cell once a day for about an hour and ten minutes either to recreate in the range corridor or in the Control Unit's special recreation yard, or to take a shower in the shower room at the end of the range. The inmates of the Control Unit are served their meals in their cells by guards. Although inmates from different ranges are not allowed to mingle, they can occasionally talk or shout to each other. From the Control Unit's recreation yard it is possible to shout through windows at the end of the range corridors and in the Control Unit's law library to inmates recreating in the yard, because the windows give on the yard. Within a range inmates can talk to each other between cells and also while recreating -- especially since they are sometimes permitted to recreate in pairs.

A few weeks after their conversation, Owens again asked Hevle what the Aryan Brotherhood intended to do about Chappelle. Hevle replied that Bartosh, another member of the Brotherhood at Marion, was going to be sent with Silverstein to Atlanta ("writted to Atlanta," in prison lingo) to testify in a case and the two would discuss the matter there. During this trip, Bartosh and Silverstein were frequently together, and when they returned, Bartosh told Owens that Silverstein had told him that Chappelle was on Silverstein's range in the Control Unit and that Silverstein would take care of him.

Nine days later, after their evening meal, Silverstein and another inmate of C range, defendant Fountain, an "associate" of the Aryan Brotherhood, were let out of their cells to recreate. They were not kept under continuous observation by guards during the hour in which they were roaming the corridor of C range. An hour and a quarter after Silverstein and Fountain were returned to their cells Chappelle was found dead on the floor of his cell. Medical evidence showed that he had been strangled about an hour after eating, by a cord held by two people as he lay on his bed with his head leaning against the bars of the cell. The next day Reynosa told Perumean, "we finally got the son of a bitch," and later Silverstein told Perumean that he and Fountain had "yoked the nigger." Fountain told another inmate, "I am glad we killed him," and Silverstein told another, "I am just sorry I had to kill him through the bars and couldn't get next to him."

The jury convicted Silverstein and Fountain of murder, and they were sentenced to life imprisonment. The jury convicted Silverstein, Hevle, and Reynosa of conspiracy to murder. Silverstein was sentenced to 20 years in prison, and Hevle and Reynosa to 40 years each, for this crime. All of the sentences were made consecutive to the other sentences that the defendants are serving.

The lapse in security that allowed Chappelle to be murdered in his cell cannot be passed over in silence. Because there is no applicable federal death sentence, 1343 because the Control Unit at Marion imposes the most rigorous confinement in the federal prison system, and because many of the inmates confined there are serving long prison terms without prospect of early parole, the deterrent effects of criminal punishment cannot be relied upon to control the crime rate in the Control Unit. It is true that since the regulations governing confinement in a control unit in federal prison do not contemplate that a prisoner will spend his whole term of imprisonment there, see 28 C.F.R. §§ 541.48, 541.49 (the average length of stay in Marion's Control Unit is 15-18 months), and since the commission of an act of violence in prison is a ground for extending a prisoner's stay in the unit, see 28 C.F.R. § 541.41, inmates have some disincentive to violent behavior. That disincentive is reinforced by the fact that a prisoner under federal sentence (except for drug offenses under 21 U.S.C. § 848) is eligible for parole after he has been in prison for a maximum of ten years, no matter how long his sentence is -- even if he is serving multiple life sentences -- and that any additional convictions will reduce his prospects for parole. See 18 U.S.C. § 4205(a); 28 C.F.R. § 2.36(a). But since parole in the federal system is not mandatory, the effect of an additional conviction on a prisoner's prospects for parole is inherently speculative, and may be slight when the prisoner's prospects for parole are dim anyway because of the gravity of his original crime. Cf. 28 C.F.R. §§ 2.18- 2.20. Moreover, Marion takes in state prisoners who may be serving time under sentences that do not allow for parole; there are more than 50 state prisoners at Marion.

All things considered, to many inmates of Marion's Control Unit the price of murder must not be high and to some it must be close to zero. This makes it essential that the prison authorities protect the inmates from each other. They try to do that, of course, and largely succeed. Violence in federal prisons is less, in aggregate terms, than popularly supposed. Seven inmates were killed in federal prisons in 1980 (the latest date for which statistics have been published) out of a total inmate population of almost 25,000, see U.S. Dept. of Justice, Bureau of Judicial Statistics, Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics -- 1982, at 550 (tab. 6.39), 567 (tab. 6.54). Yet, considering that inmates are supposed to be both disarmed and closely supervised, prison killings should be extremely rare. And, while granting as we do that federal court decisions expanding prisoners' rights to challenge both disciplinary measures and the conditions of confinement have made it more difficult than it once was to maintain order in prisons, we nevertheless were distressed to be told by government counsel at the oral argument of these appeals that even though security measures were intensified after the murder of Chappelle, they were soon circumvented and another inmate was murdered in the Control Unit. Both Silverstein and Fountain have been implicated in previous reported cases of prison killings, one under the auspices of the Aryan Brotherhood. See United States v. Mills, 704 F.2d 1553, 1555 (11th Cir. 1983); United States v. Fountain, 642 F.2d 1083, 1085-86 (7th Cir. 1981). Another murder of a black inmate by members of the Aryan Brotherhood is recounted in State v. Farmer, 126 Ariz. 569, 617 P.2d 521 (1980). What happened in the present case could not have come as much of a surprise to the authorities.

The argument pressed most strongly on this appeal that the judge improperly excluded the evidence of a key defense witness, Norman Matthews. Matthews had been an inmate in C range on the day of Chappelle's murder and had been let out to recreate right after Silverstein and Fountain were returned to their cells. When called to the stand to testify he was asked whether he could remember November 22, 1981, and when he answered yes, how he could remember it, to which he replied, "It was the day I killed Chappelle." Though it should not have been unexpected -- Matthews had given a statement to the FBI confessing to the murder -- his confession in open court caused a commotion. Defense counsel said, "All right, now Mr. Matthews, you understand this is a court of 1344 law and that you are called here as a witness but you have rights under the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution of the United States not to incriminate yourself. Do you understand that?" Matthews replied, "Yes." At this point the prosecutor objected to the questioning of Matthews. The judge sent the jury out and himself questioned Matthews to make sure he understood and intended to waive his Fifth Amendment right. When the judge finished explaining Matthews' Fifth Amendment right to him, the prosecutor said, "Your Honor, I think Mr. Matthews should also be advised of any potential charges of perjury if in fact he perjures himself on the witness stand." The judge then said to Matthews, "Well, do you understand that Mr. Matthews? You are under oath and that there would be a possibility that if you would make a misstatement that you could be indicted and tried for perjury?" Matthews replied, "maybe I should take the Fifth . . . You convinced me I should protect my rights, sir." The judge then ruled that Matthews had a right to remain silent, recalled the jury, and instructed it to disregard the questions that had been put to Matthews and the answers he had given.

If before Matthews had answered defense counsel's opening questions the judge, sensing that Matthews might unwittingly incriminate himself, had reminded him of his Fifth Amendment right, there could be no objection, in these appeals anyway, to the judge's action. For that was the holding of United States v. Colyer, 571 F.2d 941, 946 (5th Cir. 1978), and the defendants do not challenge it. See also United States v. Morrison, 535 F.2d 223, 228 (3d Cir. 1976). Their argument, rather, is that by blurting out his confession in open court Matthews forfeited his right not to be forced to incriminate himself, so the judge should have required him to continue testifying rather than excuse him. By excusing a defense witness over the defendants' objection without any basis in the Fifth Amendment or any other source of law for doing so, the judge -- the argument continues -- interfered with the defendants' right to defend themselves. See Webb v. Texas, 409 U.S. 95, (1972).

Evaluation of this argument requires us to consider two rules pertaining to the privilege against compulsory self-incrimination. The first is that allowing an incriminating statement to stand as evidence against the person who made it does not violate the privilege even if he was not aware of the privilege when he made the statement -- even if, in other words, he was not knowingly waiving a constitutional right. E.g., Minnesota v. Murphy, 465 U.S. 420, 1142, (1984); Garner v. United States, 424 U.S. 648, 654 n.9, (1976). The reason behind this rule is that if the witness blurted out his confession without prodding, there was no compulsory self-incrimination and hence no violation of the Fifth Amendment. See Garner v. United States, supra, 424 U.S. at 654-55. This rule would be applicable if the government were prosecuting Matthews and seeking to use his confession as evidence against him; but it is not. The rule is not addressed to the question whether a judge, sensing that a witness who is not a party may have blundered into making a self-incriminating statement without appreciating the significance of his action, inflicts a wrong on a party to that case by reminding the witness of his Fifth Amendment right and permitting him to withdraw the statement.

The second rule is that if a witness confesses on the stand to wrongdoing he cannot refuse to give the details. See, e.g., Klein v. Harris, 667 F.2d 274, 287 (2d Cir. 1981). "The privilege [against compulsory self-incrimination] is to suppress the truth, but that does not mean that it is a privilege to garble it. . . ." United States v. St. Pierre, 132 F.2d 837, 840 (2d Cir. 1942) (L. Hand, J.), cert. dismissed, 319 U.S. 41, (1943). But since Matthews' initial testimony was suppressed, his failure to elaborate could 1345 not garble that testimony in any sense relevant to the trial.

No court has decided whether the district judge has the power to protect a witness who has begun to incriminate himself from inadvertent abandonment of his Fifth Amendment privilege in circumstances where the government is not seeking either to use the witness's initial testimony against him or to get the witness to elaborate on that testimony in order to prevent distortion. But since in these circumstances the judge can caution a witness before the witness speaks ( Colyer), and it would be illogical to hold that he may not caution the witness seconds later after the witness has blurted out a damaging admission, we hold that he may.

The manner in which defense counsel questioned Matthews provides an independent reason for refusing to set aside the defendants' convictions because of the exclusion of Matthews' testimony. By asking him whether he realized that he had a constitutional right not to be forced to incriminate himself, counsel invited Matthews to retract his answer and assert his right, and will not be heard to withdraw the invitation. And since Matthews' affirmative answer implied, as defense counsel intended that it should imply, that he was testifying with due awareness of the possible consequences to him of testifying, and therefore presumably with greater reluctance to incriminate himself falsely, the prosecutor was entitled to verify that Matthews really was knowingly waiving his Fifth Amendment right -- really was aware that he did not have to testify against himself but that if he did so he could be prosecuted and his testimony used to convict him. If there was any error, therefore, it was invited by defense counsel's manner of questioning Matthews.

The judge's questions designed to elicit Matthews' understanding of the significance of his testifying were not excessive in number or badgering in tone or phrasing, and therefore we cannot agree that by the manner of putting them the judge drove a key defense witness off the stand; nor did the prosecutor intimidate the witness, as in United States v. Morrison, supra, 535 F.2d at 227-28, or United States v. Smith, 156 U.S. App. D.C. 66, 478 F.2d 976, 979 (D.C. Cir. 1973). And therefore the judge was also justified (indeed compelled) to direct the jury to disregard Matthews' testimony, as the prosecution was deprived by Matthews' assertion of his Fifth Amendment privilege of an opportunity to cross-examine him.

The judge's reference to the threat of prosecution for perjury if Matthews testified presents a related issue. The judge said that a misstatement could open Matthews to a perjury prosecution. This was literally true but was likely to create a misleading impression because a critical proviso was omitted: if the misstatement was deliberate. The defendants argue that by exaggerating to Matthews the danger that he might be prosecuted for perjury if he testified on their behalf, the judge improperly drove him from the stand even if the judge's handling of Matthews' Fifth Amendment right was impeccable.

In different circumstances we can easily imagine that a judge's telling a defense witness that a misstatement (as distinct from a deliberate misstatement) could result in perjury charges would indeed be reversible error if the witness then declined to testify; it would be an unjustifiable interference with a criminal defendant's right to defend himself by calling witnesses. But it was not fear of perjury charges that led Matthews to step down. When he decided not to testify he gave as his reason his Fifth Amendment right rather than any fear of a perjury prosecution. And it is difficult to imagine that he could really have feared the consequences of such a prosecution. Matthews is serving three consecutive life sentences (at least one a state sentence) for either two or three murders (the record is unclear on this point). The incremental punishment that would result from a conviction for perjury would be, as a practical matter, zero. Thus we cannot believe that the judge's misstatement about misstatements could have been the 1346 decisive factor in Matthews' decision not to testify; if it was error, it was harmless beyond a reasonable doubt.

This point may seem to undermine our earlier conclusion that Matthews voluntarily asserted his Fifth Amendment privilege in declining to testify. If he had testified about the murder of Chappelle and his testimony had been believed, he could have been prosecuted for murder but at worst this would have meant another consecutive life sentence -- and what would a fourth consecutive life sentence add to the three previous ones? But this is tantamount to an argument that Matthews had no Fifth Amendment right not to testify in the defendants' case because he could not really incriminate himself, an argument that will not wash despite its practical appeal. To incriminate oneself is, as the language of the Fifth Amendment makes clear ("No person . . . shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself"), to expose oneself to criminal prosecution, Hoffman v. United States, 341 U.S. 479, 486-87, (1951); In re Folding Carton Antitrust Litigation, 609 F.2d 867, 872 (7th Cir. 1979), even if a successful prosecution is unlikely to add to the punishments that one is already undergoing for other crimes. Matthews' Fifth Amendment right may not have been worth much, which leads us to wonder why he bothered to assert it; but there is no more plausible explanation of why he decided not to testify. The hypothesis that he did so because he feared being prosecuted for perjury if he made an honest mistake is even less believable.

But, the defendants argue, if Matthews was allowed not to testify, then at least his pretrial statements, which included a confession to the murder of Chappelle, should have been admitted under the exception to the hearsay rule for statements against interest. See Fed. R. Evid. 804(b)(3). One condition of the exception clearly was satisfied. The declarant was unavailable; Matthews could not be questioned in court about the confession once he took the Fifth Amendment. Fed. R. Evid. 804(a)(1); 4 Weinstein & Berger, Weinstein's Evidence para. 804(a)[01] at pp. 804-34 to 804-35 (1981). And we shall assume that the confession was a statement against interest (so satisfying another condition), though the contrary position is arguable since Matthews could not be further punished in view of his life sentences. But there is still another condition in Rule 804(b)(3) that is pertinent to this case: "A statement tending to expose the declarant to criminal liability and offered to exculpate the accused is not admissible unless corroborating circumstances clearly indicate the trustworthiness of the statement." (Emphasis added.) As this language and the legislative history indicate (see Notes of Advisory Committee on Proposed Rule 803, Subdivision (b), Exception (3); H.R. Rep. No. 650, 93d Cong., 1st Sess. 16 (1973)), such statements are suspect because of along-standing concern -- whether or not well-founded, see 5 Wigmore, Evidence in Trials at Common Law § 1477 (Chadbourn rev. ed. 1974) -- that a criminal defendant might get a pal to confess to the crime the defendant was accused of, the pal figuring that the probability of his actually being prosecuted either for the crime or for perjury was slight. See, e.g., United States v. Tovar, 687 F.2d 1210, 1213 (8th Cir. 1982) (per curiam); Lyon v. State, 22 Ga. 399, 401 (1857). The present case provides a good illustration of this concern. Although not shown to be a member of the Aryan Brotherhood or even a sympathizer, Matthews may well be the latter; for he is white, and there was testimony that "almost any solid white man you run into is a sympathizer. I would say the greater majority of the institution." And, as we have said, even if the government prosecuted Matthews either for the murder of Chappelle or for perjury, and succeeded in convicting him, it could not impose significant punishment. Cf. Chambers v. Mississippi, 410 U.S. 284, 300 n. 20, (1973).

Unfortunately, the precise meaning of the corroboration requirement in Rule 804(b)(3) is uncertain, and is not much 1347 clarified by either legislative history or the cases. See Tague, Perils of the Rulemaking Process: The Development, Application, and Unconstitutionality of Rule 804(b)(3)'s Penal Interest Exception, 69 Georgetown L.J. 851, 958-70, 973-74 (1981). In particular, it is unclear from the rule's language whether the judge may look beyond the evidence offered in corroboration of the statement to evidence either directly contradicting the statement or contradicting the evidence offered to corroborate it. If he may look beyond, the rule is open to the objection that it withdraws the credibility determination from the jury. But probably he may, in light of the Advisory Committee's admonition that "The requirement of corroboration should be construed in such a manner as to effectuate its purpose of circumventing fabrication." It is noteworthy that this caution was offered before the House Committee further strengthened the rule by inserting the word "clearly," which had not been in the proposed rule.

Evidence that the judge was not required to ignore created a strong inference that Matthews' statements were totally fabricated -- which would be no surprise in view of his de facto immunity from being punished for either murder or perjury. Cf. United States v. MacDonald, 688 F.2d 224, 233 (4th Cir. 1982). Although the fact that Matthews was let out of his cell before the discovery of Chappelle's body provides slight corroboration for his statements, the medical evidence that Chappelle was killed by two men and the estimate of the time of death entitled the judge to conclude that the circumstances did not clearly indicate that Matthews' confession was trustworthy. Cf. United States v. Tovar, supra, 687 F.2d at 1213-14; United States v. Satterfield, 572 F.2d 687, 693 (9th Cir. 1978); Lowery v. State, 401 F. Supp. 604, 607-08 (D. Md. 1975), aff'd without opinion, 532 F.2d 750 (4th Cir. 1976). But even if the judge should not have considered any evidence beyond that offered to corroborate Matthews' statement, he would have had to exclude the statement. The mere fact that Matthews was out of his cell shortly before Chappelle's corpse was discovered was not clearly corroborative of his confession, but merely consistent with it. It is not as if the statement had contained facts that only the murderer could have known, or if, as in Donnelly v. United States, 228 U.S. 243, 272, (1913), which Rule 804(b)(3) overruled, there was other evidence linking Matthews to the crime. In either case the requirement of clear corroboration ("circumstances solidly indicating trustworthiness," United States v. Barrett, 539 F.2d 244, 253 (1st Cir. 1976)) would have been satisfied, at least if one assumes (as we do not) that the judge could not consider the medical evidence that cast grave doubt on the truth of Matthews' statement. But on the facts presented, the requirement was not satisfied.

We reject the argument that Matthews' out-of-court confession (whether or not trustworthy) is further and conclusive evidence that Matthews waived his Fifth Amendment right not to testify at the defendants' trial. The confession was not made under oath; and the Fifth Amendment does not allow the government to force a man to adopt his unsworn out-of-court confession. United States v. Diecidue, 603 F.2d 535, 552 (5th Cir. 1979).

We turn now to Reynosa's contention that the judge misled the jury by his response to a question that the jury submitted to him while it was deliberating. The question was: "Is it possible to get the testimony of August '81 of Silverstein and Reynosa making contact about murdering Robert Marvin Chappelle?" The judge and counsel conferred about the question. All agreed that there had been no such testimony. The indictment, which had been given to the jury with the usual instruction that it was not evidence, charged that Silverstein and Reynosa made contact in August 1981. But no substantiating evidence had been offered, although the conversation between Reynosa and Perumean in which Reynosa said that Silverstein owed him a favor and would if need be "get" Chappelle did take place in August, and it implied contact, direct or indirect, between 1348 the two. The judge suggested telling the jury, "Sorry, it is not possible to furnish the requested testimony." The defendants' lead counsel agreed, provided the judge added, "Continue with your deliberations." Reynosa's counsel did not demur. The defendants were not present during this exchange and the judge did not reconvene the jury. Instead he sent the following note to the jury: "Sorry, it is not possible to furnish the requested information. Please continue with your deliberations. Judge Foreman."

Reynosa argues that his right to be present throughout the trial was infringed because he was not in the courtroom when the judge replied to the question that the jury had raised, and in addition that the judge's reply prejudiced Reynosa's case by implying that there had been testimony about a conversation between him and Silverstein in August 1981 about murdering Chappelle. Reynosa's counsel did not object either to his client's absence from the courtroom or to the judge's reply to the jury's question; necessarily therefore Reynosa is arguing that these were plain errors. See Fed. R. Crim. P. 52(b).

Rule 43 of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure requires that the defendant be present (if he desires) "at every stage of the trial," and this has been held to include the giving of a supplementary instruction or other communication with the jury after it has begun deliberating. Rogers v. United States, 422 U.S. 35, 39, (1975). But the requirement is subject to the doctrine of harmless error. Id. at 40; United States v. Burns, 683 F.2d 1056, 1059 (7th Cir. 1982); United States v. Clavey, 565 F.2d 111, 119 (1977), modified en banc on other grounds, 578 F.2d 1219 (7th Cir. 1978) (per curiam); Ware v. United States, 376 F.2d 717, 719 (7th Cir. 1967); 3A Wright, Federal Practice and Procedure: Crim. 2d § 724 at p. 31 (1982). It is most unlikely that a different reply to the jury's question would have been formulated if the defendants had been present. It was not the sort of question on which counsel would be likely to consult their clients, or on which the clients, if consulted, would be likely to have an answer that would sway the judge. In Ware, a similar case, this court described as "fancifully remote" the prospect that the defendant's presence would have changed the outcome of the trial. 376 F.2d at 718.

A more troublesome point is that the reply was potentially misleading. It could be understood to imply that the testimony the jury wanted to read had indeed been given but that the transcript had not yet been prepared, or had been mislaid, or the jury for some reason was entitled to see the transcript. (Another possible interpretation of the note, however, is that no part of the trial transcript -- whatever it might contain -- was available for the jury to see.) The implication the jury might have drawn -- that there had indeed been direct testimony about a contact between Silverstein and Reynosa in August 1981 about killing Chappelle but that the pertinent pages of the transcript were for some reason unavailable -- was incorrect. The jury should have been told that there had been no direct testimony about such a contact but that it could consider, if it thought it significant, whether the testimony supported an inference that such a contact had been made.

But we do not think the instruction actually given was so likely to have changed the result that a retrial is necessary to avoid a miscarriage of justice, the test for whether an error is "plain" within the meaning of Rule 52. United States v. Frady, 456 U.S. 152, 163 n. 14, (1982); United States v. Blackwell, 224 U.S. App. D.C. 350, 694 F.2d 1325, 1341 (D.C. Cir. 1982). It is true that the only evidence of Reynosa's participation in the conspiracy consisted of testimony by other inmates as to incriminating statements that Reynosa had made. But there was a good deal of mutually corroborating testimony along these lines and if the jury believed it, as it was entitled to do, then it had to convict Reynosa, while if it disbelieved the inmates' testimony it had to acquit him. A suspicion (quite possibly correct) that Reynosa and Silverstein had "made contact" (maybe indirectly) in August 1981 could not have tipped the scales. Of course the fact that the jury asked for the transcript shows that the question of such a contact concerned at least one juror, and the form in which the judge replied might have confirmed the erroneous recollection of a juror or jurors who thought there had been such testimony. But since the judge refused to supply the requested transcript, the jury 1349 could not have placed decisive weight on the erroneous recollection of the testimony. Whoever wanted the transcript must in the end have been convinced that there was enough other evidence, as indeed there was, to link Reynosa to the conspiracy to murder Chappelle.

To be plain, an error must be conspicuous, at least in hindsight, and maybe the error in the supplementary instruction was; but it must also be an error that probably changed the outcome of the trial, and the fact that this error cannot be dismissed as harmless (as can the error in responding to the jury's question without the defendants' being present) is not enough to show that it probably changed the outcome. See United States v. Blackwell, supra, 694 F.2d at 1341; 3A Wright, supra, § 856 at p. 344. No doubt the difference between the standards of plain and of harmless error is small, but there is some, and there is a reason for it. Reversing a conviction on the basis of an error that the defendant's lawyer failed to bring to the judge's attention is inconsistent with the premises of an adversary system and disruptive of the efficient operation of the criminal justice system. It is justifiable only when the reviewing court is convinced that it is necessary in order to avert an actual miscarriage of justice, which implies the conviction of one who but for the error probably would have been acquitted. We are not convinced that there was such a miscarriage here.

We also reject the argument that acquiescence in the form of the reply demonstrates that Reynosa's trial counsel was ineffective. He made a mistake, but (as we have just said) not a critical one; the representation of none of the defendants at trial fell below the threshold of minimum professional competence.

Although several other issues are raised in the defendants' briefs, none of them has any possible merit. Hevle argues with great vigor that David Owens' testimony was unbelievable, noting that he gave contradictory testimony on some points and pointing out the irony of the government's relying on the testimony of the man who proposed that the Aryan Brotherhood assassinate Chappelle. But Owens' testimony was richly corroborated by that of other inmates. If all inmate testimony were deemed inherently incredible, few crimes within prison walls could be prosecuted -- or for that matter defended.

The judgments of conviction are

AFFIRMED.

Kimberly hunts for a Nazi Low Rider

2009-09-02T04:00:00.000-07:00

Kimberly Shepherd - Lipstick Bounty Hunter

LEONARD ORTIZ, THE ORANGE COUNTY REGISTER

ANAHEIM This is a dirty business: meth addicts, heroin pushers, wife beaters, gang-bangers, liars, cheaters, bail jumpers…

Always bail jumpers.

That’s where Kimberly Shepherd, driving a hot-pink 2003 Hummer, and Dawn Wickwire, riding shotgun, come in. They’re bounty hunters. And their cell phones never stop ringing.

“All right, we’re going to rock ‘n roll,” says Kimberly, a former airline stewardess, accelerating down Euclid. “We’re going to a tweaker pad.”

In this case, the tweaker/methamphetamine user is supposedly a Nazi Low Rider gang member who carries a dagger. He recently was released on a $100,000 bail – money the ladies of Lipstick Bail Bonds don’t want to forfeit.

They carry no guns, but they plan to bring him in anyway. A hundred grand is a hundred grand. And besides, they carry pepper spray in cute little pink canisters (”this will definitely drop someone,” says Dawn), and pink handcuffs.

We stop first to pick up the tweaker’s former girlfriend. She says he’s planning to run to Idaho. She’s chain-smoking, chain-talking, and torn between turning him in and remaining loyal. But she co-signed his bond. She’s on the hook, too.

En route, the girlfriend calls a friend: “We’re looking for Billy. I can’t tell you who I’m coming with because I don’t want Billy to know.”

Whoops. Dawn is less than pleased.

“No, no, no! No more calls!”

We meet up with the rest of the team – Teresa and Lisa Golt, sisters and owners of Lipstick Bail Bonds. The Golts are the muscle behind fugitive captures. Kimberly and Dawn are the decoys.

The plan: Dawn will knock on the door. Smile; look pretty. She’ll ask Billy to come to the car to sign some bail papers – a formality. He’ll look her over and, sure, he’ll go outside.

“Men are so predictable,” she says.

The Golt sisters, former LAPD officers, will hide behind the Hummer.

We slowly cruise toward the address.

“God, my stomach is in knots right now,” says Dawn. Then she steps out of the vehicle and disappears down a side path.

All we hear next is screaming.

NO CALLS

Now they’re rock stars.

People honk, wave, scream at the gaudy pink Hummer with lip decals on the sides. Every month, they hand out $20,000 in pink freebies – chap-stick, tank tops, hoodies emblazoned with their logo. Waitresses step out of restaurants to say hi. Little girls write. They’ve got five offices, 21 pink vehicles and a reality show in the works.

But it wasn’t always like this. Once, they were blackballed. Vandalized. Even arrested. Rumors swirled about them.

Now? They’re getting national and international press. The Today Show and Good Morning America are calling.

And why not? They’re TV’s “Dog” – with lip gloss and cleavage.

Behind the pink veneer, however, lie old-fashioned American values: Work hard. Be honest. And spend your money wisely.

Identical twins Teresa and Lisa are not only the muscle around here. They’re the brains and backbone. They began volunteering with the Long Beach police at 15; joined the police reserves at 18 – worked three jobs to support themselves.

“No one should pay your way,” says Teresa. “You’ve got to work. That’s why we had no life.”

They joined the LAPD at 21 and worked undercover vice. No guns. No badges. Talk your way out of trouble. Then it was South Central – “the best place to learn police work,” they say.

In 1999, they quit to become private investigators. For six years they chased fugitives for other companies.

“We saw the money they were making and thought: We could be better,” Teresa says.

Over a few glasses of merlot, they named themselves Lipstick Bail Bonds. They bought a $65,000 Hummer, opened shop and waited for the phones to ring.

But absolutely no one called.

ROUGH START

Dawn rushes back to the Hummer.

“Man, that scared me. The place was trashed. Totally dark inside. Windows busted. Some girl screaming. A guy dead-bolted the door, twice. People screaming, ‘Get the (expletive deleted) out of here,’ and ‘He ain’t (expletive deleted) home.’ “

The team drives to a nearby Spires Restaurant to talk.

“We built this business from scratch,” Teresa says. “I don’t want to give up a $100,000 bond to some tweaker.”

The twins will surveil the house overnight. But Dawn can’t stay: “I have a dinner engagement tonight. And I have to get my nails done before tomorrow morning.”

Therein lies the secret of Lipstick’s success. Without decoys Dawn and Kimberly, the twins would have no marketing. And without twins Lisa and Teresa, the decoys would have no business.

Together, they’ve touched a nerve in this he-man business.

Sometimes, a raw nerve.

They’ve had tires slashed. Nasty notes glued to windshields. Crank calls. Threats.

“There are men who have been doing this 20 years. They say, “Here are these chicks in their pink cars,” Theresa says.

“They hate it that women are bail bonds.”

But the truth is most people arrested are men. And most people bailing them out are women. And those women like dealing with … other women.

Still, Lipstick has had to overcome two big hurdles in the bail bond business. One was getting their foot in the door. Remember when no one was calling? Well, at that time, their Hummer was garden-variety canary yellow.

merlot may have been involved again when they decided to paint the Hummer pink. Friends said they were crazy. But they did it, and the attention it drew was immediate and profitable.

“The Hummer is what made us.”

Another problem, however, went deeper than car color. It stemmed from sudden departure from the LAPD after 10 years. And the fact that the sisters once were arrested…

For illegally writing bail bonds.

211 Crew

2009-08-30T03:22:00.000-07:00

211 Crew

Prosecutors accuse Colorado prison gang of murder, racketeering
By JON SARCHE
Associated Press Writer

DENVER (AP) - Prosecutors said Wednesday they have filed murder and racketeering charges against members of a white supremacist prison gang accused of brutally beating an inmate to death, threatening witnesses and trafficking in guns and drugs outside prison walls.

The gang, known as the 211 Crew, has an estimated 300 members throughout the state's prison system, police detective Aaron Lopez said. Lopez said the gang's alleged leader, Benjamin Davis, was ''recruiting killers.''

Indictments unsealed late Tuesday include nearly 70 charges against 24 current and former inmates, Denver District Attorney Bill Ritter said. All but two were in custody by Wednesday.

The charges also include assault, witness tampering and drug violations.

Davis, 29, who is serving a 30-year sentence for burglary, faces 15 counts including assault and forcing others to commit assault or distribute drugs.

Five inmates face first-degree murder charges in the Dec. 12, 2001 slaying of Donald Mayfield, who was beaten to death in his cell at the Arkansas Correctional Facility. Authorities believe he was beaten with a padlock.

To join the gang, inmates were required to attack someone, Lopez said, and if released from prison, they were required to send money to members still behind bars. Members outside prison sometimes were required to intimidate witnesses in cases against other members, and they could be targeted for violence themselves if they refused or failed to raise money, Lopez said.

Members most often raised money through gun and drug trafficking and communicated through coded letters and telephone calls. Investigators spent hundreds of hours decoding messages in an effort that ''quite frankly in my opinion saved some people's lives,'' Lopez said.

He compared the gang to the Aryan Brotherhood, a white supremacist prison gang active in several states.

Ritter said gang members did not necessarily target minorities, but he said investigators had recorded phone conversations and intercepted letters in which members spoke of attacking minorities.

Lopez identified one member of the 211 Crew as Nathan Thill, who is serving a life sentence without parole for the 1997 slaying of a Senegalese immigrant and the wounding of woman who tried to help the victim. Thill was not charged in the indictment announced Wednesday.

Members of racist prison gangs often have been put behind bars for crimes that don't involve racism, said Mark Pitcavage, director of fact finding for the Anti-Defamation League.

''With most racist prison gangs, any ideology they might have is secondary to their organized crime or criminal enterprise motives,'' he said. ''They're not your typical hate group, they're criminal enterprises that also happen to be hate groups.''

He said the 211 Crew does not appear to have spread beyond Colorado.

Authorities believe the gang took its name from a section of California law on violent crime. Members are often tattooed with ''211,'' swastikas or a shamrock symbol, Lopez said.

Lopez said the investigation began in 2003 after he began looking into a near-fatal assault over a $25 drug debt and ''exploded'' when witnesses told him about the 211 Crew.

The investigation helped Corrections Department investigators looking into Mayfield's slaying, agency spokeswoman Alison Morgan said. The department investigators had identified suspects but the case had been stalled until the Denver police investigation got under way, she said.

''When you deal with criminal behavior and gang behavior in the enclosed environment of prison, the danger is increased exponentially,'' Morgan said.

Morgan said prison gangs are one of the Corrections Department's biggest problems. Gang activity unrelated to the 211 Crew prompted the April 2004 transfer of 121 inmates to a Mississippi prison.

Ritter said other gang members could be arrested if investigators uncover more evidence of organized crime.

Public Enemy Number One (PENI)

2009-08-28T05:15:00.000-07:00

Public Enemy Number One (PENI) is an unusual hybrid of a racist Skinhead gang, street gang and prison gang. Since the early 2000s, the group has grown considerably, particularly in California, where it originated, and has also spread to nearby states. PENI's increasing strength stems to a large degree from its ability to position itself as a white power criminal organization capable of operating both on the streets and in the prison yards as foot soldiers for older, more established white supremacist prison gangs, such as the Aryan Brotherhood.

Heavily involved in the drug trade, PENI members have a strong history of violence, both in the prisons and on the streets. In addition to drug-related criminal activity, PENI members have committed a number of violent crimes, including assault, murder and attempted murder. The group’s mercenary and criminal nature, coupled with a white supremacist ideology and a subculture of violence, makes it a triple threat, both to law enforcement and to the public at large. Even people far removed from the worlds of narcotics and gangs may become victim to the PENI through white collar crimes ranging from fraud to counterfeiting to identity theft.

Leaders: Donald Reed "Popeye" Mazza

Founded: Formed by white youths active in the punk music subculture in Southern California in the mid-1980s

Background: The group quickly divided into two camps, one emphasizing white supremacist ideology and the other criminal activity; the current leadership steered the group into criminal operations in and out of prison

Type of group: Hybrid racist skinhead gang, street gang and prison gang, active mostly in California

Composition: White males in and out of prison but also includes female members, mostly in support roles

Criminal Activities: Illegal drug trade, identity theft, counterfeiting, fraud, assaults, murder

Ideology: White supremacy

Affiliations: Aryan Brotherhood

Methamphetamine

2009-08-28T04:47:00.000-07:00

Methamphetamines

Methamphetamine is a Schedule II stimulant with a high potential for abuse and dependence. A synthetic drug, meth is closely related chemically to amphetamine, but produces greater effects on the central nervous system. There are few accepted medical reasons for its use, such as the treatment of narcolepsy, attention deficit disorder and for short-term use-obesity; but these medical uses are limited.

Methamphetamine is a man-made stimulant. The chemicals used in the manufacturing process can be corrosive, explosive, flammable, toxic, and, possibly, radioactive. There are currently three types of methamphetamine:

* L-methamphetamine (Levo-methamphetamine) which raises the blood pressure and causes the heart to beat rapidly, but does not increase alertness very much. Shakes/tremors and stomach cramps are common physical side-effects.

* D/L methamphetamine (Dextro-levo-methamphetamine) is made with the amalgam (P2P) method. It was popular during the 1960's, but it is still made and distributed, primarily by outlaw motorcycle gangs. It has to be injected to get the desired rush and produces side effects such as shakes, tremors, and stomach cramps.

* D-methamphetamine (Dextro-methamphetamine) is the most common currently. It is originated during the 1980's. It is made by the ephedrine reduction process. It is 2 to 10 times as physiologically active as L-methamphetamine. It increases the heart rate, blood pressure, body temperature, and rate of breathing and dilates the pupils, and has fewer adverse side effects than the other two types of methamphetamine. The term "ice" most often refers to a pure form of d-methamphetamine. It is a large, usually clear crystal of high purity that is smoked in a glass pipe. The smoke is odorless, leaves a residue that can be re-smoked, and produces effects that may continue for 12 hours or more.

Methamphetamine comes in pill, powder, clear liquid, and rock form. The coloration of methamphetamine may vary significantly due to the manufacturing process and as a result, it may have a foul rancid odor. Colors range from colorless/white, red, orange, purple, green and brown depending on the process.

Methamphetamine is commonly known as "speed", "meth", and "chalk". Other street names for methamphetamine include: bennies, blue myth, blue mollies, bomido, CR, crank, cranksters, crink, cris, croak, and crystal. In its smoked form, it is often referred to as "ice", "crystal", "crank" or "glass". Methamphetamine got the nickname "crank" because bikers used to hide it in the crankcase of their motorcycles.

Methamphetamine is commonly smoked, injected intravenously, or snorted. The primary route of administration varies, even within regions. Smoking is becoming the most popular method of administration followed closely by inhalation/sniffing. When it is smoked or injected intravenously, methamphetamine produces an intense, extremely pleasurable "rush" almost immediately that lasts only a few minutes, followed by euphoria, referred to as a "high". Snorting or oral ingestions produces euphoria—a high but not an intense rush. Snorting produces effects within 3 to 5 minutes, and oral ingestion produces effects within 15 to 20 minutes.

Methamphetamine is commonly combined with morphine, heroine or cocaine in a "speedball". It is also used in conjunction with marijuana or alcohol. Methamphetamine is mot often used in a "binge and crash" pattern. Tolerance for methamphetamine occurs within minutes—meaning that the pleasurable effects begin to disappear even before the drug concentration in the blood falls significantly—users try to maintain the high by binging on the drug.

Meth cookers use an old recipe
Published : Thursday, 27 Aug 2009
-Allen Tomlin

As it gets harder and harder to gather the ingredients used in more conventional methamphetamine recipes, Albuquerque police say they're seeing a resurgence of "shake and bake" meth that's faster and cheaper to make.

Conventional meth recipes have used elaborate labs with jugs, chemicals and piping, taking 5 to 8 hours to make a batch.

But, police said, the "shake-and-bake" method uses fewer ingredients and just a two-liter soda bottle, taking just over an hour to make.

"It is a very simplistic method in which to produce methamphetamines," said John Walsh with the Albuquerque Police Department.

The process comes from an older recipe known as "Nazi meth." Some claim it was developed in Germany, but lost its popularity until recent restrictions on the ingredients used to make conventional meth.

Walsh said "shake-and-bake" meth is easier to transport because it's in smaller packaging.

"The labs themselves have become small to the point that they are transported literally in a backpack," he said.

Users come from all stripes, but police said they're getting younger. The high lasts four to 12 hours, and some addicts said it's better than normal meth.

Narcotics officers said it's cheaper too, about $20 for a quarter gram, but, Walsh said, it's "still just as volatile and still just as dangerous."

Thomas Silverstein 14634-116

2009-08-28T04:43:00.000-07:00

Thomas "Terrible Tom" Silverstein

Convicted of murdering Federal Correctional Officer Merle E. Clutts.

Prisoner at ADX Florence, the United States supermax federal prison in Florence, Colorado.

Thomas Silverstein Interview

Thomas Silverstein entered the federal prison system in 1975 after he was convicted of three bank robberies that he pulled with his father and his uncle. He was 19 years old. Three years later, he was convicted of murdering an inmate who had run afoul of the Aryan Brotherhood, the most feared white gang in prison. Silverstein was identified as a member of the AB, convicted, and sent to the federal prison in Marion, Illinois, the harshest in the country at the time.

A judge later overturned this conviction after ruling that the witnesses against Silverstein, which included a prison guard, were not believable. His ruling came too late, however. By then, Silverstein had been convicted of a second prison murder -- this time the strangulation of Robert Chappelle, a high-ranking member of the DC Blacks. Another murder soon followed. It involved Raymond "Cadillac" Smith, the national leader of the DC Blacks prison gang who had sworn to avenge his fellow gang member's death.

Prison records show that Smith made several attempts to murder Silverstein, yet prison officials kept the two men in cells close to each other. Silverstein and another inmate, Clay Fountain, broke out of an exercise area and caught Smith as he was leaving a shower area. They stabbed him 67 times and then dragged his body up-and-down the prison tier so that other prisoners, still locked in their cells, could see the bloody corpse.

Officer Merle E. Clutts was assigned to help bring order to the cellblock where Silverstein and Fountain were housed. Silverstein claims Clutts immediately began harassing him, but an investigation by the federal Bureau of Prisons and FBI would later clear Clutts of any wrongdoing. Silverstein would claim those two probes were whitewashes. Regardless, Silverstein became obsessed with Clutts and spent months plotting his murder.

On October 22, 1983, as Silverstein was returning to his cell from his weekly shower, handcuffed and escorted by three guards, he paused outside the H-unit cell of another inmate, Randy Gometz. In the flash of an eye, Gometz reached through the bars, unlocked Silverstein's cuffs with a hidden key and passed him a "shank"--a homemade knife. Silverstein broke away from the two guards escorting him and cornered the third, officer Merle Clutts, who'd been distracted by another prisoner. By the time Silverstein was subdued, Clutts had been fatally wounded, stabbed more than forty times.

Later that same day, Clay Fountain, performed a similar handcuff trick, killed another officer, Robert L. Hoffman, and stabbed two others in the same housing unit. Like Silverstein, Fountain was already serving three life terms for the murders of other inmates. Both men were reputed members of the Aryan Brotherhood, with a pathological hatred of corrections officers; both had virtually nothing to lose.

See also: Aryan Brotherhood; AB members & associates ; Aryan Brotherhood of Texas; AB Trial 2006; Dallas Scott; Clay Fountain

The Caged Life

Is Thomas Silverstein a prisoner of his own deadly past...or the first in a new wave of locked-down lifers?
By Alan Prendergast
published: August 16, 2007

When the goon squad showed up at his place at five in the morning, Tommy Silverstein knew something was up. He wasn't accustomed to greeting guests at such an ungodly hour — much less a team of corrections officers, helmeted and suited up for action.

In fact, Silverstein wasn't used to company at any hour. His home was a remote cell, known as the Silverstein Suite, in the special housing unit of the federal penitentiary at Leavenworth, Kansas. He'd been cut off from other inmates and all but a few emissaries from the outside world for more than two decades.

He stayed in the Silverstein Suite 23 hours a day. His interactions with staff typically amounted to some tight-lipped turnkey delivering his food through a slot in the cell door. The only change of scenery came when an electronic door slid open, allowing him an hour's solitary exercise in an adjoining recreation cage. Visitors were rarely permitted, and entire years had gone by during which he never left the cell.

But this day was different. Silverstein could think of only a couple of reasons why so many well-padded, well-equipped officers would be at his door, ordering him to strip for a search. Cell shakedown? Time for a game of hockey, with Tommy as the puck? No, that was a captain leading the squad. Something big.

A transfer.

So it came to pass that on July 12, 2005, U.S. Bureau of Prisons inmate #14634-116 left his cage in Kansas for one in Colorado. Security for the move was tighter than Borat's Speedo — about what you'd expect for a former Aryan Brotherhood leader convicted of killing four men behind prison walls. (One conviction was later overturned; Silverstein disputes the second slaying but admits the other two.) The object of all this fuss didn't mind the goon squad. He was enjoying the view — and hoping that the move signaled the end to his eight-thousand-plus days of solitary confinement. Maybe, just maybe, his decades of uneventful good behavior had paid off.

"They said for me to keep my nose clean, and maybe one day it'd happen," he recalled recently. "So I foolishly thought this was it. If you saw me in that van, you'd think I was Disneyland-bound, smiling all the way."

But the smile vanished after Silverstein reached his destination: the U.S. Penitentiary Administrative Maximum, better known as ADX. Located two miles outside of the high-desert town of Florence, ADX is the most secure prison in the country, a hunkered-down maze of locks, alarms and electronic surveillance, designed to house gang leaders, terrorists, drug lords and other high-risk prisoners in profound isolation. Its current guest list is a who's who of enemies of the state, including Unabomber Ted Kaczynski, shoe bomber Richard Reid, plane bomber Dandenis Muñoz Mosquera, abortion clinic bomber Eric Rudolph and double-agent Robert Hanssen.

When it opened in 1994, ADX was hailed as the solution to security flaws at even the highest levels of the federal prison system. Much of the justification for building the place stemmed from official outrage at the brutal murders of two guards in the control unit of the federal pen in Marion, Illinois, during a single 24-hour period in 1983. The first of those killings was committed by Thomas Silverstein, who was already facing multiple life sentences for previous bloodshed at Marion. The slaying of corrections officer Merle Clutts placed Silverstein under a "no human contact" order that's prevailed ever since, and it gave the Bureau of Prisons the perfect rationale for building its high-tech supermax. Although he never bunked there until 2005, you could call ADX the House that Tommy Built.

What greeted Silverstein two years ago was nothing like Disneyland. His hosts hustled him down long, sterile corridors with gleaming black-and-white checkerboard floors that reminded him of A Clockwork Orange or some other cinematic acid trip. One set of doors, then another and another, until he finally arrived at the ass-end of Z Unit, on a special range with only four cells, each double-doored. His new home was less than half the size of the Silverstein Suite and consisted of a steel slab with a thin mattress, a steel stool and desk, a steel sink-and-toilet combination, a steel shower and a small black-and-white TV.

Stripped of most of his small store of personal belongings, Silverstein had little to do besides take stock of his eighty-square-foot digs. The Silverstein Suite was a penthouse at the Plaza compared to this place. There were steel rings on the sides of the bed platform, ready for "four-pointing" difficult inmates. A camera mounted on the ceiling to record his every move. If he stood on the stool and peered out the heavily meshed window, he could get a glimpse of a concrete recreation cage and something like sky. So this was his reward for all those years of following the rules — 24-hour surveillance in his own desolate corner of the Alcatraz of the Rockies. He was no longer simply in the belly of the beast. He was, he would later write, "stuck in its bowels, with no end/exit in sight."

The double doors muffled sound from outside. But over time, Silverstein realized that there was one other prisoner on the range. He shouted greetings. The man shouted back. He asked the man how long he'd been in the unit. Four years, the man said.

Silverstein told the man his name. His neighbor introduced himself: Yousef. Ramzi Yousef. Convicted of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, the one that killed six people and injured a thousand. Nephew of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the al-Qaeda leader who recently confessed to planning that failed effort to bring down the towers as well as the 9/11 attacks.

His keepers had put Silverstein in the beast's bowels, all right — right next to the one man in the entire federal system more loathed than he was. Still, it was somebody to talk to. Shouting to Yousef was the first conversation with another inmate that Silverstein had managed in almost twenty years.

But talking wasn't allowed. Within days, a new barrier was erected in the corridor outside his cell, preventing any further communication between the two residents of the range. Inmate #14634-116's transfer to ADX was now complete.

In the late 1980s, Pete Earley, a former Washington Post reporter, persuaded Bureau of Prison officials to grant him an unprecedented degree of access to inmates and staff at the Leavenworth penitentiary. Earley was allowed to walk the yard without an escort, to interview inmates without official monitoring, to talk candidly with veteran corrections officers about the dangers and frustrations of their work.

The resulting book, The Hot House: Life Inside Leavenworth Prison, is one of the most vivid works of prison reportage ever published. Among several unsettling portraits of career criminals and their keepers, the most memorable character is probably one Thomas Silverstein, who was then being housed, a la Hannibal Lecter, in a zoo-like cage in Leavenworth's basement, where the fluorescent lights stayed on around the clock to make it easier to watch him. Wild-haired and bearded — the BOP would not allow him a razor or a comb — Silverstein spent hours talking into Earley's tape recorder, describing his violent past and the petty torments he claimed the guards were putting him through in an effort to drive him insane.

Earley's book made Leavenworth's dungeon monster seem not only rational but quite possibly human. Granting a journalist unfettered access to him was a public relations blunder the BOP has been unwilling to repeat. Silverstein hasn't been allowed to have a face-to-face interview with a reporter for the past fifteen years. When Westword recently asked to visit him, ADX warden Ron Wiley promptly denied the request, citing "continued security concerns." But then, Wiley and his predecessors haven't let any journalist inside ADX to interview any inmate since 2001 because of "continued security concerns" (see related story).

Although he readily agreed to an interview with Westword, Silverstein isn't a huge fan of the press, either. He remains friendly with Earley, but he's learned to be wary of hit-and-run tabloid writers following in his wake, eager to write about "the most dangerous prisoner in America." Most of what the outside world knows about him, if it pays any attention at all, is the fragmentary image presented in The Hot House; he's a captive of his own legend, like some prehistoric insect trapped in amber. His letters seethe with contempt for lazy "plagiarists" who have simply appropriated snatches of Earley's account as well as for those who've produced long magazine pieces or cheeseball cable programs about the Aryan Brotherhood that largely rely on the lurid tales of government snitches.

"For some odd reason the media pees when Master snaps his fingers," he wrote recently. "I wouldn't call 'em 'mainstream' any more cuz there isn't anything mainstream about 'em. They're just lackeys for the powers that be."

Silverstein's response to the "injurious lies" spread about him has been to launch his own information campaign at www.tommysilverstein.com. That's right — America's most solitary prisoner, a man who's been inside since before the personal computer was invented and has never been allowed near one, has his own website, maintained by outside supporters who forward messages to him and post his responses.

"He's got a pretty impressive network," says Terry Rearick, a California private investigator who has communicated with Silverstein by letter and phone over several years. After the two lost touch for a time, Rearick got a call from a woman in England on Silverstein's behalf.

The same woman posts regularly on the website, where Silverstein himself duels at length with his detractors. (A similarly heated debate has ignited over the wording of Silverstein's entry on Wikipedia; his defenders and his critics alternately revise the account to suit their competing versions of his crimes.) Some visitors to his site dismiss him as a textbook psychopath. But Silverstein contends that if people understood the grim context in which the killings at Marion took place, the snitch games and psychological warfare and organized violence of prison life, they wouldn't be so quick to demonize him.

It's a strangely disconnected argument — a garbled dialogue between cultures on different planets. Most of the visitors to his website know little about Silverstein's world, just as he knows little about theirs. He's been in prison for the past 32 years, and much of what he's learned about life on the street since he was put in solitary in 1983 has come from reading or watching television. No American prisoner, not even Robert Stroud, the Birdman of Alcatraz, has ever been condemned to such a walled-off existence for such a long period of time. Many of Stroud's years of solitary confinement were spent in relative ease at Leavenworth; he had not only frequent visitors, but also a full-time secretary. Even his seventeen-year stretch in Alcatraz allowed for much more daily communication with others than Silverstein has had.

"I'm amazed that he's not stark, raving mad," says Paul Wright, the editor of Prison Legal News, who's corresponded with Silverstein for years and published some of his writing. "He's been in total isolation for almost 25 years. The only people I can think of that have been held in anything remotely like this in modern times are some of the North Korean spies held in South Korea."

Yet the no-contact conditions imposed on Silverstein are becoming less unique by the day. There are now 31 supermax prisons in the country, with more under construction, including Colorado's own 948-bed sequel to the current state supermax, known as Colorado State Penitentiary II. They are costly on several levels — the operational expense per cell can be double that of a less-secure prison, and the rate of mental illness in solitary confinement far exceeds that of the general prison population — but lockdown prisons are all the rage with a vengeful public. Increasingly, they are being used not for short-term punishment (disciplinary segregation) but for long-term confinement of hard-to-manage inmates (administrative segregation), whose privileges keep shrinking. Colorado, for example, no longer allows journalists to interview its supermax inmates except by mail.

"The phenomenon is disturbingly common," says David Fathi, a staff attorney for the ACLU's National Prison Project. "If it's disciplinary confinement, it's finite — when you're done, you're done. But with administrative segregation, there's a real lack of transparency about what a prisoner can do to earn his way out."

In the federal system, the past decade has seen the rise of "special administrative measures," or SAMs, which are imposed on terrorists or other inmates whose communications with the outside world "could result in death or serious bodily injury to persons." There are now at least two dozen SAMs cases in federal prisons, including Yousef and Zacarias Moussaoui, whose access to mail, phone calls, media interviews or other visits are extremely limited or banned outright. At present the restrictions must be approved by the U.S. Attorney General, but the Bush administration is considering changes that would allow wardens at ADX or other high-security prisons to designate inmates as terror threats and thus ban them from all media contact — even if they haven't been convicted on terrorism charges yet, Fathi notes.

Silverstein isn't a SAMs case. He still has his website and his mail (although he claims it's frequently withheld or "messed with" in other ways). But he may be the prototype of what the government has in mind for other infamous prisoners — to bury them in strata of supermax security to the point of oblivion.

Responding in letters to questions about the psychological impact of his isolation, Silverstein struggles to find the right words. "Trying to explain it is like trying to explain what an endless toothache feels like," he writes. "I wish I could paint what it's like."

In an article a few years ago, he called solitary confinement "a slow constant peeling of the skin, stripping of the flesh, the nerve-wracking sound of water dripping from a leaky faucet in the still of the night while you're trying to sleep. Drip, drip, drip, the minutes, hours, days, weeks, months, years, constantly drip away with no end or relief in sight."

In a Darwinian world, predators have to adapt or die, just like their prey. Tommy Silverstein arrived in the federal prison system at a critical phase of its evolution, when the number of inmate assaults on other inmates and staff was rising sharply and officials were looking at the idea of control units as a way to neutralize the growing threat posed by prison gangs. Silverstein quickly became a symbol of the problem — and the inadequacy of the proposed solution. It's not a stretch to say that the Marion control unit helped to make him what he became, just as the mayhem that erupted there helped to reshape the American prison system.

Before he reached the nether regions of the BOP, Silverstein's criminal career had been thoroughly unremarkable. Born in 1952 in California, he'd grown up in a middle-class neighborhood in Long Beach, but he was bullied by other kids who thought he was Jewish. (According to The Hot House, Silverstein's biological father was a man named Thomas Conway, whom his mother divorced when Tommy was four years old; she later married a [Jewish] man named Silverstein.) As a teenager, he ripped off houses for money to buy drugs; his sister, Sydney McMurray, says he was battling a heroin addiction and problems with his volatile, controlling mother.

"We were taught never to throw the first punch, but never to walk away from a fight," McMurray recalls. "My brother started getting into trouble because he was running away from a violent environment at home. Then he got into drugs, and he became a brother I never knew."

At nineteen, Silverstein landed in San Quentin for armed robbery. Paroled, he was soon arrested again for series of robberies — pulled with Conway and another relative — that yielded less than $1,400. This time, he went into the federal system on a fifteen-year jolt. He was 23 years old, and his life on the streets was already over.

At Leavenworth Silverstein became closely associated with Aryan Brotherhood members who allegedly controlled the heroin trade inside the prison — close enough that when convict Danny Atwell was found stabbed to death, supposedly because he'd refused to be a mule for the heroin business, Silverstein and two other AB members were charged with the murder. In 1980, he was convicted at trial on the basis of shifting testimony from other inmates and sentenced to life in prison. A federal appeals court later ruled that much of the testimony should never have been allowed and threw out the conviction. But by that time, Silverstein was in the Marion penitentiary and facing more murder charges.

Marion opened in 1963, the same year that Alcatraz closed. It was intended to be not just a replacement for the Rock but an improvement, with a more open design and modern rehabilitation programs. Yet by the late 1970s, it had the most restrictive segregation unit in the BOP; not coincidentally, it was also the most violent prison in America, a dumping ground for gang leaders and crazies. Between 1979 and 1983, the prison logged 81 inmate assaults on other inmates and 44 on staff; 13 prisoners were killed. BOP reports issued in 1979 and 1981 proposed turning the entire facility into a "closed-unit operation."

Confined to a one-man cell in the control unit 23 hours a day, Silverstein says he spent much of his time learning how to draw and paint. "I could hardly read, write or draw when I first fell," he explains. "But most of us lifers are down for so long and have so much time to kill that we actually fool around and discover our niche in life, often in ways we never even dreamt possible on the streets. We not only find our niche, we excel."

Prison officials worried that Silverstein was finding his niche in other areas, too. Long-simmering disputes between white and black gangs had a way of coming to a boil in the control unit. In 1981, D.C. Blacks member Robert Chappelle was found dead in his cell. He'd apparently been sleeping with his head close to the bars and had been strangled with a wire slipped around his neck, plied by someone exercising on the tier. Silverstein and another convicted killer, Clayton Fountain, received life sentences for the crime; inmates who testified for the prosecution claimed the two had boasted of it.

Silverstein has always denied killing Chappelle. (Another inmate later claimed to have done the deed, but investigators found his confession at odds with the facts.) Yet even if he hadn't been convicted in court, the suspicion that he was responsible was sufficient to trigger more violence. Shortly after the slaying, the BOP saw fit to transfer one of Chappelle's closest friends, D.C. Blacks leader Raymond "Cadillac" Smith, to the Marion control unit from another prison. Within days, Smith had tried to stab Silverstein and shoot him with a zip gun. Silverstein and Fountain responded by cutting their way out of an exercise cage with a piece of hacksaw blade and paying a visit to Smith while he was in the shower. Smith was stabbed 67 times, in what Silverstein still describes as an act of convict self-defense.

"Everyone knew what was going on and no one did anything to keep us apart," he told Earley. "The guards wanted one of us to kill the other."

At the time, there was no federal death penalty for inmate homicides — and not much the system could do to Silverstein, who was already serving multiple life sentences in the worst unit of the worst prison the BOP had to offer. But some staffers, concerned about Silverstein's outsized rep among white inmates, apparently did their best to keep him in check. In the months that followed Cadillac's death, Silverstein began to regard Officer Merle Clutts, a bull-headed regular of the control unit, as his chief tormentor.

Silverstein has given different explanations about what Clutts did to deserve such attention. Clutts trashed his cell during shakedowns and withheld mail; he smudged his artwork and taunted him; he even tried to set him up for attack by other inmates, Silverstein has suggested. Silverstein claims he told Earley "the whole story," but only pieces made it into The Hot House. Earley won't comment, saying he no longer discusses Silverstein with other reporters because of past misunderstandings.

The BOP has denied that Clutts harassed Silverstein. Whatever the source of the feud might have been, there's no question that Silverstein became fixated on Clutts. One study by Harvard psychiatrist Stuart Grassian suggests that prisoners in control units sometimes experience "the emergence of primitive, aggressive fantasies of revenge, torture, and mutilation" of the guards who watch over them.

Silverstein thought about Clutts, and he thought about the difficulties involved in getting to his enemy when he was allowed out of his cell only one hour a day, shackled, escorted by three guards.

Locked down for life, he had a mountain of time to consider the problem.

One day in solitary is pretty much like another. Prisoners have different strategies for filling up their days, but there are always more days to come.

In his cell at Florence, 54-year-old Tom Silverstein usually rises before dawn, catches up on letters and reads, waiting for the grand event that is the delivery of his breakfast. He goes to rec for an hour, comes back to the grand event that is lunch, showers and cleans his cell. Time for some channel-flipping on the small black-and-white TV, in search of something fresh amid the religious chatter and educational programs he's watched over and over. More reading, some yoga. Then dinner, more TV - he's a sucker for Survivor, Big Brother and other "reality-type shows" — and so to bed.

When he was in the Silverstein Suite at Leavenworth, Silverstein had access to paintbrushes, pens and other art supplies. At ADX, he's only permitted pastels, colored pencils and "cheap-ass paper," he reports; consequently, he hasn't drawn a lick since he's been there. He says that every few weeks, he's moved from the cell with the heavily meshed window to one with no window at all, then back again a few weeks later. There are rare, glorious interruptions in the routine — a visit with sister Sydney last May, an occasional lawyer checking in. Visitors sit in a booth outside the cell and talk to him on a phone; he sits shackled on the other side of a glass partition and talks back. But these dazzling bursts of conversation quickly fade into a muddle. Did the last lawyers come before or after his sister? Silverstein isn't sure.

"It's all a blur, a dream state of mind," he writes. "Like my memories. When I venture back to my yesterdays, it's hard to distinguish fact from fiction."

Yet there is one memory, one day that stands out from all the rest — the day that started it all. Twenty-four years later, Silverstein is still in the position of analyzing, defending and regretting the act that has defined his fate. But nothing can explain away the act itself, a murder that was meticulously planned and ruthlessly executed.

Marion wasn't designed to be a supermax. Control unit prisoners had to be shackled and escorted to the shower every day, and the guards permitted them to have brief conversations with other inmates in cells along the way. On October 22, 1983, Silverstein was on his way back from his shower when another inmate in a rec cage called over one of his three escorts — Merle Clutts. Now flanked by only two guards, Silverstein paused at the cell of one of his buddies, Randy Gometz, and struck up a conversation.

Before the guards knew what was happening, Gometz had reached through the bars, uncuffed Silverstein with a hidden key — and supplied him with a shank. Silverstein broke away from the guards and headed toward Clutts, now isolated at the far end of the tier. "This is between me and Clutts!" he shouted.

He stabbed the officer forty times before the dying Clutts could make it off the tier. Hours later, Silverstein's friend Clayton Fountain pulled the same handcuff trick and attacked three more guards in the control unit, fatally wounding Robert L. Hoffman Sr.

Two federal officers slaughtered in one day, on what was supposed to be the most secure unit in the entire BOP, sent the system into shock. The bureau's response was to forge ahead with the long-considered plan to turn all of Marion into a control unit while whisking Silverstein and Fountain into even more restricted quarters. (Fountain died in 2004 at the age of 48).

For years prison activists attempted to challenge the Marion lockdown in court, charging that the prison staff set about beating other prisoners and subjecting them to "forced rectal searches" as payback for the deaths of Clutts and Hoffman. In 1988, a federal judge ruled that the inmate accounts of staff brutality were simply not credible.

By that point, Silverstein and the bureau were already on the road that would lead to ADX — a place where communication among inmates, and physical contact between inmates and staff, could be strictly controlled and all but eliminated.

If the guard killings in Marion happened at any federal prison today, the perpetrators would almost certainly face the death penalty. Silverstein has suggested more than once that death would have been a more merciful option in his case.

"Even though we may not execute people by the masses, as they do in other countries, our government leaders bury people alive for life in cement tombs," he writes. "It's actually more human to execute someone than it is to torture them, year, after year, after year."

Silverstein's last taste of some kind of freedom came in the fall of 1987. Rioting Cuban prisoners broke into his special cell in the Atlanta federal penitentiary and set him loose. For one surreal week, he was able to roam the yard while the riot leaders dickered with federal negotiators over the release of more than a hundred prison staffers who'd been taken hostage.

Then the Cubans jumped him, shackled him and turned him over to the feds. Surrendering Silverstein had been high on the BOP's list of demands for resolving the situation, right up there with releasing all hostages unharmed.

Contrary to the bureau's expectations, Silverstein didn't butcher any guards during his precious days of liberty. He didn't harm anyone. He suggests the episode shows that he's not the killing machine the BOP says he is, and that he could exist in a less restrictive prison without resorting to violence.

Terrible Tommy says he's changed. He claims to have gone 21 years without a disciplinary writeup. Other long-term solitaries go berserk, smearing their cells with feces and "gassing" their captors with shit-piss cocktails. Not him.

"The BOP shrinks chalk it up as me being so isolated I haven't anyone to fight with," he writes, "but they're totally oblivious to all the petty BS that I could go off on if I chose to. I can toss a turd and cup of piss with the best of 'em if I desired. What are they going to do, lock me up?

"But I just have more self-control now, after 25 years of yoga, meditation, studying Buddhism and taking some anger-management courses. All that goes unacknowledged."

McMurray says her brother has learned a great deal about patience and suffering over the years. "He's more like the brother I knew on the outside years ago," she says. "I have spoken with the guards who deal with him every day, and they don't have a bad thing to say about him. It's the ones in administration who are trying to make it as difficult as they can for him.

"But my brother has a spirit that is unbreakable. In Leavenworth, at least he could draw. It's been more of a challenge for him in this situation, but he hasn't let it break his spirit."

Silverstein has told reporters that he wants to apologize to the families of the men he killed, "even though it was in self-defense." He has recanted some oft-quoted lines from his interviews with Earley about "smiling at the thought of killing Clutts" and feeling the hatred grow every time he was denied a phone call or a visit. He says he regrets the grief he's caused and no longer seethes with hatred.

Silverstein has been cut off from the operations of the Aryan Brotherhood for decades. His story is still told among the faithful, in an effort to keep his memory alive among the younger members, but he disputes that the group is a white supremacist organization. His own paintings include an ethnically diverse array of portraits. "I think it's worth noting that Tommy is no longer a racist, if he ever was," says Prison Legal News editor Wright.

Twice a year, prison officials hold a brief hearing to review Silverstein's placement in administrative segregation. For many years, the hearings were held in the corridor outside the Silverstein Suite in Leavenworth. Silverstein stopped attending because the result was always the same: no change. At ADX, he's taken to filing grievances, claiming that the move has left him more isolated, with fewer privileges than ever before.

"I am being punished for good conduct under ploy of security reasons," he wrote last year in a formal appeal of his situation. "The goal of these units is clearly to disable prisoners through spiritual, psychological and/or physical breakdown."

In his response, Warden Wiley pointed out that Silverstein is provided with food and medical care, "daily contact with staff members" and access to television, radio and reading materials.

"It's ridiculous to call a nameless guard that shoves a food tray through the hole in the door...a source of meaningful 'human contact,'" Silverstein fired back. "I request placement in general population."

He took his appeal to the regional office, then to headquarters, where it was swiftly denied. "You are serving three consecutive life terms plus 45 years for bank robbery and murder, including the murder of Bureau of Prisons staff," an administrator noted. "You are a member of a disruptive group and an escape risk. Your heinous criminal and institutional behavior warrant a highly individualized and restrictive environment."

Wiley declines to comment on Silverstein's treatment at his prison. Last spring, a group from Human Rights Watch was allowed to tour certain areas of ADX. The group wasn't let in Z-Unit, where Silverstein lives, or anywhere near A-Unit — the "hole," where most disciplinary cases are housed. But they saw enough to realize that the staffers who bring meals "do not converse regularly, if at all, with the inmates." Despite claims that clinical psychologists checked on prisoners every other week, "several inmates said they had not spoken to a psychologist in many months," and such conversations tended to be brief.

The group also reported that many ADX prisoners are trapped in a catch-22 predicament — they've been sent there directly after sentencing but have never been provided any opportunity to "progress" to a less restrictive setting because of the nature of their crime. Every placement review finds that the "reason for placement at ADX has not been sufficiently mitigated."

"No matter how well they behave in prison, they cannot undo the past crimes that landed them in prison, generally, and then ADX, specifically," Human Rights Watch director Jamie Fellner wrote to BOP director Harley Lapin.

Some crimes, it seems, are beyond redemption.

Silverstein got a copy of the do-gooders' report and immediately fired off a letter to the group, suggesting that they come see him in Z-Unit if they want the real story about the government's "failed and draconian penal system."

No one from the group has come to see him yet. Silverstein waits for them in his box within a box. He knows that the bureau just wants to bury him and that he turned the key himself. But he also knows he didn't build that box all on his own.

His earliest possible date of release is eighty-eight years away. He has nothing but time.

Kenneth McGriff 26301-053

2009-08-26T22:20:00.000-07:00

Kenneth "Supreme" McGriff (Born September 19, 1960) is a convicted American drug trafficker and organized crime figure.

McGriff came to prominence in the early 1980s when he formed his own crack distributing organization which he called the Supreme Team based in the South Jamaica section of Queens, New York. Under McGriff's leadership, the gang's numbers swelled to the hundreds and came to control the crack-cocaine trade in the Baisley Park Houses, the neighborhood where McGriff was raised. At its 1987 peak, the Supreme Team's drug receipts from its street-level operation exceeded $200,000 a day, and the gang regularly committed acts of violence to maintain its stronghold on the area's drug trade. After McGriff went to jail sources leaked that the leader of the "Supreme Team" was Foster Herriot

In 1987, McGriff was arrested following a joint state and federal investigation and in 1989 pleaded guilty to engaging in a continuing criminal enterprise. He was sentenced to 12 years' incarceration. McGriff was released from prison on parole in early 1994 after serving approximately seven years of his sentence. He was sent back to prison on parole violations by year's end, and served another 2 1/2 years' incarceration before being released in 1997. McGriff promptly assembled a new team of gang associates, and returned to a life of crime on an even grander scale.

The book "Queens Reign Supreme" details his life, and some claim that the fictional characters Nino Brown in the 1991 film New Jack City and Majestic in Get Rich or Die Tryin are based on him.

McGriff was known for his brutality. He would order military style raids on rival drug dealers, with gang members storming a home in vans and automatic weapons on execution missions. The downfall of the Supreme Team occurred with the murder of a police officer, Edward Byrne, in retaliation for police activity against Howard "Pappy" Mason. The law enforcement attention was so great that George H.W. Bush carried Byrne's badge on the campaign trail in 1988.

McGriff is alleged to have had a hand in the murder of Run D.M.C. member Jam Master Jay and in the shootings of 50 Cent. Persistent rumors have it that McGriff felt 50 Cent had exposed just a little too much on the drug kingpin of Jamaica, Queens and others involved in the drug trade through the lyrics of his 2000 song "Ghetto Qu'ran". Allegedly, McGriff ordered a rap industry blacklisting of 50 Cent as a result of this track, which Jam Master Jay violated when he helped the then-unknown artist launch his career.

On February 1, 2007 McGriff was convicted of murder-for-hire at a Federal court at the Eastern District of New York on charges he paid $50,000 to have two rivals gunned down in 2001, the hired killers are unknown. It is said to be that his godson might have been one of the hired gunmen, but when asked about his involvement, he refused to talk to the police and faced 30 days at a detention center in upstate New York for obstruction of justice. (Rapper Eric "E-Moneybags" Smith and Smith's associate, Troy Singleton).With his sidekick Zak Barnes.

The jury deliberated for five days before finding McGriff guilty of murder conspiracy and drug dealing. On February 9, 2007, the same jury sentenced McGriff to life in prison. Throughout this case he was being defended by a court appointed attorney because all of his assets were seized.

McGriff is serving his life sentence at the ADX Florence supermax prison in Colorado.

See also: ADX Florence

Harry Bowman Outlaws MC

2009-08-21T15:54:00.000-07:00

Harry Joseph Bowman is the former international president of the Outlaws Motorcycle Club. While he was president, the club had chapters in more than 30 cities in the United States and some 20 chapters in at least four other countries. Bowman became the 453rd fugitive listed by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on the Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list. He has been imprisoned in the U.S. since 1999.

DOB: July 17, 1949
Sex: Male
Height: 5'10"
Weight: 190 pounds
Race: White
Hair: Black
Eyes: Brown

The FBI reported Bowman's aliases as: Harry Bouman; David Bowman; Harry Bowman; Harry J. Bowman; Harry Joe Bowman; David Charles Dowman; Harry Douman; Harry Tyree; "Taco"; and "T". He was described as 5'10" and 190 pounds, with multiple tattoos reflecting his association with the Outlaws Motorcycle Club, such as one on his back and upper right arm of a skull and crossed pistons with the word "Outlaws" in black above and the word "Detroit" in black below. He also has a swastika tattoo on his right forearm, and a "Merlin the Magician" figure on his left forearm.

Bowman became wanted for crimes going back decades earlier, beginning with the murder of an Outlaws member in Ormond Beach, Florida in 1982.

He was then wanted in the murder of a rival club member in Edgewater, Florida in 1991.

He was indicted as well for having ordered bombings of rival clubhouses in Orlando, Florida and in Cook County, Illinois in 1994.

He was also wanted in the murder of another Outlaws member in Indiana in 1995.

He was indicted in Tampa, Florida in August 1997 for the three murders and bombings. The sweeping indictment, under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) conspiracy law, alleged his involvement in violent racketeering acts to also include drug trafficking, extortion, firearms violations, and other acts of violence.

In 1998 Bowman was then placed on the FBI wanted list, with a $50,000 reward for his apprehension.

After more than one year on the FBI list, Bowman was arrested June 7, 1999 in Sterling Heights, Michigan. He sought the assistance of noted defense attorney Henry Gonzalez of Tampa.

------------------------

U.S. 11th Circuit Court of Appeals
US v BOWMAN

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Plaintiff-Appellee
versus
HARRY BOWMAN, a.k.a. Taco, a.k.a. T

IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE ELEVENTH CIRCUIT
D. C. Docket No. 97-00333 CR-T-30

(August 20, 2002)
Before BIRCH and COX, Circuit Judges, and GEORGE1, District Judge.

Harry Joseph Bowman, the international president of the Outlaws Motorcycle Club, was convicted of racketeering, conspiracy to murder, and various drug and firearm offenses. He was sentenced to life in prison. He appeals his convictions, contending that the district court erred by refusing to disclose the juror's names and by refusing to redact the Outlaws' Constitution to eliminate the whites-only membership policy. He also challenges the sufficiency of the evidence. We affirm.

I. BACKGROUND

A. FACTS

1. The Outlaws Motorcycle Club

The Outlaws Motorcycle Club was founded at a bar just outside of Chicago in 1935. It has since grown to include 64 chapters in the United States and chapters in eight other countries. The United States is divided into five regions, and each other country is considered a region. Chapter presidents report to their regional president. The regional presidents report to the international president.

Each chapter has a clubhouse. These clubhouses are used for "church meetings," parties, and privacy, and they are usually secured by concrete walls, steel doors, razor wire, guard dogs, and video surveillance.

The Outlaws profess to be "1%ers," or the one-percent of bikers who have rejected societal norms and dedicated their lives to the club. Membership is limited to men who own American-made motorcycles of a particular size, and membership dues are divided between the chapter and the region. A prospective member is first a "hang-around" or associate. He then becomes a probate and, finally, a patched member.

A patched member is entitled to wear a leather or denim vest bearing an Outlaws emblem, called "colors." The patch is surrounded by chapter and club membership information, called "rockers." These emblems are purchased directly from the international president. A patched member is also allowed to attend the weekly church meetings, while associates, probates, and "old ladies" wait outside. After being a member in good standing for a year, an Outlaw may wear a tattoo depicting the Outlaws emblem.

An Outlaw's tattoos can reflect other membership information as well. An Outlaw who commits murder, attempts murder, or explodes a bomb on behalf of the Outlaws is entitled to wear "lightning bolts," a Nazi-style "SS" tattoo. An Outlaw who has spent time in jail may receive an "LL" tattoo, which stands for "Lounge Lizard."

Membership in the Outlaws has its privileges. The Outlaws maintain a list of Lounge Lizards, or incarcerated Outlaws, and collect money on their behalf. Chapters also encourage the Lounge Lizards' "old ladies" and fellow Outlaws to send letters to imprisoned members.

While the Outlaws are allied with the Bandidos, a Southwestern motorcycle club, they have rivalries with several other clubs. Their dislike of Hell's Angels is expressed in their slogans "AHAMD," or "All Hell's Angels Must Die," and "ADIOS," or "Angel's Die in Outlaws States." They also dislike the Pagans and the Warlocks.

The Outlaws collect information on their rivalries with other clubs. They primarily collect newspaper clippings regarding incidents with other clubs. On occasion, though, an Outlaws member will bribe a law enforcement officer to obtain information on the location of a rival club's members. Outlaws also travel, at the club's direction, to the funerals of fellow bikers.

2. Harry Bowman

Harry "Taco" Bowman held various administrative positions within the Outlaws Motorcycle Club. He served as a regional president and national vice-president before becoming international president in 1984. Bowman conducted his presidential activities from the Outlaws clubhouse in Detroit, while living in an affluent Detroit suburb, sending his children to private schools, and driving an armor-plated Cadillac. He served as international president for thirteen years, until 1997. As international president, Bowman handled matters large and small, from setting the Outlaws' policies regarding other biker gangs to monitoring the activities of members.

For most of Bowman's presidency, Wayne "Joe Black" Hicks was Bowman's right-hand man. In 1984, during the early part of his presidency, Bowman became concerned that a former Outlaw would reveal the whereabouts of an Outlaw fugitive. To alleviate his concerns, Bowman asked Hicks, then the vice president of the Toledo chapter, to kill the former Outlaw. Hicks was unable to complete this assignment because he failed to locate the former Outlaw. Nevertheless, impressed by Hicks's dedication, Bowman transferred Hicks to Florida so Hicks could help revive the Fort Lauderdale chapter. Hicks eventually became chapter president.

As chapter president, Hicks accompanied "Wild" Bill Pilgrim, Florida's regional president, to national meetings of regional presidents. At these meetings, held every couple of months, the regional presidents discussed chapter membership, the status of Lounge Lizards, the Outlaws' community activities, and the activities of rival clubs. Bowman, as international president, chaired these meetings, and the regional presidents were obligated to seek his permission before taking action against rival clubs.

Hicks became Florida's regional president in 1990. At a meeting with Bowman, Hicks reported that Alan "Greaser" Wolfe, an Outlaw, had testified before a grand jury. Bowman, who distributed Outlaws tee shirts bearing the slogan "snitches are a dying breed," told Hicks to kick Wolfe out of the club and otherwise take care of him. Hicks and another member revoked Wolfe's membership and beat him.

3. Murder of Raymond Chaffin

In the early 1990s, the Warlocks, another Florida club, allied with the Hell's Angels and began selling drugs on their behalf. This ignited a war between the Outlaws and the Warlocks. When the Outlaws learned that Raymond "Bear" Chaffin, a former member, was the leader of a Warlocks chapter in Edgewater, Bowman told Hicks to find Chaffin and kill him. Hicks asked Houston Murphy, the Fort Lauderdale president, to recommend an Outlaw who could gather intelligence on Chaffin. Murphy recommended Alex "Dirt" Ankerich, an Outlaws probate. Ankerich traveled to Edgewater and spent the night with Chaffin, who was unaware that Ankerich was affiliated with the Outlaws.

At the next regional presidents meeting, Hicks told Bowman about Ankerich's adventure, and Bowman asked Hicks if Ankerich could be trusted to kill Chaffin. Bowman then asked Ankerich if he was willing to do anything to become an Outlaw and told Ankerich that he could earn some lightning bolts. Ultimately, Ankerich and Murphy were directed to kill Chaffin and given a number to call when the murder was complete. Bowman and Hicks then agreed to present themselves in public to establish an alibi.

Murphy and Ankerich arrived in Edgewater on February 21, 1991. Murphy gave Ankerich a .22 pistol equipped with a silencer and told him to aim for Chaffin's head to facilitate the kill. Ankerich went into Chaffin's garage, shot Chaffin four times in the back of the head, and ran away. Murphy reported the murder to Hicks, and Hicks reported it to Bowman, who, in turn, complimented Hicks on his work. Murphy also told Ankerich that he had earned his patch and lightning bolts. Newspaper articles on Chaffin's murder were mailed to other chapters.

4. Kidnapping of Irwin Nissen

In March 1992, during Daytona Bike Week, Irwin "Hitler" Nissen, a former Outlaws probate, got into a fight with James "Moose" McLean, the president of the Outlaws' Atlanta chapter. Bowman heard about the fight and directed Murphy to bring Nissen to him. Christopher "Slasher" Maiale, another Outlaw, placed a lock on Nissen's motorcycle to prevent him from leaving.

The next morning, Dennis "Dog" Hall, an Outlaw, brought Nissen to Bowman's motel room. Bowman greeted Nissen by punching him in the face. Murphy then held Nissen while Bowman put a knife to Nissen's ear and threatened to kill him if he ever raised his hand against another Outlaws officer. Murphy and Maiale, at Bowman's direction, began beating and kicking Nissen until Bowman told them to get rid of him. Murphy then proceeded to push Nissen off of a three-story balcony, which resulted in severe injuries to Nissen, including a broken ankle.

5. Kidnapping of Kevin Talley

In 1993, a Florida Outlaws member named Kevin "Turbo" Talley was arrested in Canada while visiting an Outlaws chapter there. Talley was to be deported to Massachusetts, where a warrant for him was outstanding, but Canadian officials first had him sign a statement admitting that the Outlaws were a criminal enterprise. Incensed by Talley's action, Bowman ordered Hicks to bring Talley to Detroit and detain him there. Hicks called Talley in Massachusetts and told him to fly to Detroit. Two Outlaws, "Broda" and "Bolt," met Talley at the Detroit airport. They escorted Talley to the Detroit clubhouse and locked him inside for several days.

Eventually, Bowman and Hicks arrived in Detroit and met with Talley. They told Talley that they were upset that he signed the statement. After the meeting, Hicks told Bowman that he would handle the problem. Hicks sent Talley to Florida, where Hicks planned to beat up Talley and kick him out of the club. Believing he was in danger, Talley resigned his membership upon his return to Florida.

6. 1994

On New Year's Eve 1993, Bowman called a meeting of all Outlaws at a party in Fort Lauderdale. During the meeting, Bowman announced that the Outlaws would escalate their hostilities in 1994, showing no tolerance for Hell's Angels or their sympathizers. In the following year, Outlaws nationwide conducted an increased number of attacks on their rival clubs and circulated newspaper articles documenting these attacks.

a. The War Wagon Incident

In June 1994, numerous Outlaws descended on Gary, Indiana, to attend an event at a local speedway. This event was also customarily attended by the Invaders, another motorcycle club. The Outlaws suspected that the Invaders were affiliated with the Hell's Angels.

On the night before the event, Bowman met with attending Outlaw presidents. Randy "Mad" Yager, the president of the Gary Outlaws, also held a meeting with the attending Outlaws and announced that they were to attack the Invaders at the speedway. To carry out this attack, the Outlaws planned to use a "war wagon," or a vehicle modified with steel plating and several gun ports. The war wagon was equipped with firearms and other weapons to facilitate the attack.

The Outlaws drove the war wagon to the speedway, but no Invaders ever arrived. After the war wagon left, it was stopped by Gary police officers. The officers seized firearms, ammunition, and smoke grenades from inside the war wagon.

b. Hell's Henchmen

While visiting Chicago in the spring of 1994, Bowman complained about the presence of Hell's Henchmen in the area and the failure of the Chicago chapter president, Pete "Greased Lightning" Rogers, to do anything about it. Rogers, it turns out, was reluctant to take action for fear that it might draw the attention of federal authorities. Bowman decided to take matters into his own hands by ordering Hicks and Walter "Buffalo Wally" Posnjak to surveil the Hell's Henchmen clubhouse. Murphy also participated in this surveillance and, on one occasion, observed Hell's Angels memorabilia in the clubhouse. In September, Carl "Jay" Warneke, Yager, and another Outlaw met with Bowman at his Detroit residence, and Bowman gave them permission to bomb the clubhouse.

Then, in November, Outlaws Kevin "Spike" O'Neill and Raymond "Shemp" Morgan Jr. set off a car bomb outside of the Hell's Henchmen clubhouse. The bomb damaged nearby structures, parked cars, and commuters but failed to destroy the clubhouse. The Chicago Outlaws finished the job in December by dousing the clubhouse in gasoline and burning it down. The clubhouse was condemned and put up for sale, and the Outlaws celebrated by visiting the site and giving it "the one-finger salute."

c. Warlocks

Bowman, in 1994, also asked the Outlaws to do anything they could to destroy the Warlocks. Hicks asked Stephen "DK" Lemunyon, a Daytona Outlaw, to determine how best to destroy the Warlocks clubhouse in Orlando. Lemunyon and Steve "Stevo" Hilton, another Outlaw, constructed a bomb, and Hicks kept Bowman informed of the operation. Meanwhile, several Daytona Outlaws kept an eye on the clubhouse.

Lemunyon, Hilton, and Louis Musher detonated the bomb in October 1994. Bowman told the Florida Outlaws that he was proud of their work. Bowman also told Hicks to keep up the good work and to continue to watch and kill the Warlocks.

A few months later, Lemunyon, Musher, Hilton, and Robert Gunther joined forces to plan another firebombing, this time of the Warlocks clubhouse in Brevard County. Again, Outlaws watched the clubhouse while Lemunyon constructed a bomb identical to the one used in Orlando. The plan was thwarted, however, when authorities arrested the Daytona Outlaws and, during a search of Lemunyon's residence, seized the firebomb.

d. Fifth Chapter Motorcycle Club

The Fifth Chapter Motorcycle Club was a family-oriented club made up of men and women who were recovering from substance- abuse problems. They sought to be neutral, maintaining good relationships with all clubs, and the Outlaws allowed them to exist in Florida, which was generally considered Outlaw turf. But the Outlaws also targeted the FCMC in 1994.

In September of that year, a Hell's Angel named Michael Quale was killed in an altercation with some Outlaws. At Quale's funeral, a photographer took a picture of an FCMC member hugging a Hell's Angel. Bowman believed that this hug was disrespectful to the Outlaws because one of their own, "Buffalo Wally" Posnjak, had also been killed in the altercation. Bowman showed the photograph to Hicks and ordered Hicks to shut down the FCMC in Florida.

In December, Lemunyon invited members of the FCMC to the Outlaws clubhouse in Orlando. About fifteen members of the FCMC accepted the invitation and rode to Orlando. As they entered the compound, the FCMC members were searched by Outlaws.

Once inside, the members were seated at two picnics tables and surrounded by armed Outlaws. Lemunyon then announced that there was a problem, displayed the newspaper photograph, and began beating FCMC national president Mike Malone with a flashlight while the other FCMC members were held at gunpoint. Lemunyon told the FCMC that they could no longer exist and ordered them to remove any clothing that bore the FCMC logo. After the FCMC members complied with Lemunyon's instruction, the Outlaws began beating them as well.

After the beatings, the Outlaws allowed the FCMC members to wash themselves. They were told to return home without congregating or visiting hospitals. Once home, Lemunyon instructed, the FCMC members were to mail all of their FCMC memorabilia to the Outlaws. The FCMC members returned to their motorcycles to find that many of their personal belongings had been stolen.

e. Murder of Donald Fogg

At a 1994 meeting in Chicago, Bowman told Hicks and others that an Outlaw had become a snitch. Bowman said that the snitch would be killed and explained that the killing would be made to look like an enemy had done it. He also said that the murdered snitch would be given an Outlaw funeral.

A few weeks later, authorities found the body of Donald Fogg, an Outlaw, lying face down in the snow. Fogg had been shot in the head in a field near an Outlaws clubhouse. Fogg received an Outlaw funeral. At the funeral, a story was circulated that a policeman interested in Fogg's girlfriend had shot him, but none of the Outlaws seemed interested in revenge. Bowman later acknowledged that Fogg was the snitch he had targeted. Fogg, it turned out, had been talking to the police.

f. Hell's Angels

At a meeting in 1994, Outlaws regional president "Mad Mike" Markham was criticized for failing to take action against the Hell's Angels. Markham, however, was reluctant to take on the Hell's Angels because the two clubs had peacefully coexisted in his region. An Outlaw from Markham's region, Harold "Bullwinkle" Brewington, suggested an alternative: attack the Hell's Angels in California. Markham liked the idea and told Brewington that he would bring it up at the next regional presidents meeting.

At a meeting near the end of 1994, Bowman, apparently adopting Markham's idea, announced that the Outlaws would take the war against the Hell's Angels to California. Bowman planned to send a group of trustworthy Outlaws to California to conduct surveillance on, and possibly assassinate, either Sonny Barger, the international president of the Hell's Angels, or George Christie, a national officer. Ultimately, Murphy and Brewington were selected for the mission, but Murphy, uncomfortable with Brewington, went to California alone.

Murphy stayed in Ventura, California, for four days, locating and mapping out Christie's residence. He returned to Florida, but, after the Daytona Outlaws were arrested on federal RICO charges, Bowman directed Murphy to bring the map to Tennessee. Murphy presented his report at a meeting in Tennessee, and Bowman thanked him for his service. Eventually, Bowman dispatched other Outlaws to follow up on Murphy's findings, but Christie was never harmed.

7. Other Activities

In addition to his managerial activities, Bowman also, at various times, used and distributed illegal drugs. He was generally accompanied by a bodyguard who carried a gun for him.

Bowman was indicted in 1997. The indictment was unsealed soon thereafter, but the FBI was unable to serve the indictment at Bowman's residence. Bowman then became a fugitive on the FBI's ten-most-wanted list. He was finally captured in 1999, while visiting his family in Sterling Heights, Michigan.

B. PROCEDURAL HISTORY

1. The Indictment

Bowman's indictment includes ten counts. Four counts allege violations of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act ("RICO"). Count One alleges that Bowman conspired to conduct and participate in the affairs of an enterprise affecting interstate commerce through a pattern of racketeering, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1962(d). This count includes seventeen alleged racketeering acts. Count Two alleges that Bowman in fact conducted or participated in these affairs, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1962(c). Count Four charges Bowman with threatening and assaulting members of the Fifth Chapter Motorcycle Club to maintain and increase his position in the RICO enterprise, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1959(a)(3) and (a)(4). Count Five charges him with maintaining and increasing his position by conspiring to murder members of the Hell's Angels Motorcycle Club, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1959(a)(5).

Four counts charge Bowman with drug offenses. Count Three charges Bowman with conspiracy to possess with intent to distribute opium, cocaine, methamphetamine, marijuana, and Valium, in violation of 21 U.S.C. § 846. Count Six charges him with distributing methamphetamine, in violation of 21 U.S.C. § 841(a)(1). Count Seven charges him with distributing opium, and Count Eight charges him with distributing Valium.

Count Nine charges Bowman with destroying the Warlocks clubhouse in Orlando, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 844(i). Count Ten charges Bowman, a convicted felon, with possessing a .45 caliber semiautomatic pistol.

2. Empaneling the Jury

Bowman proceeded to trial. Before empaneling the jury, the court sua sponte decided to keep the jury innominate1 by withholding their names, addresses, and places of employment. The court explained its decision in a written order, citing prior incidents of Outlaws attempting to interfere with judicial proceedings. (R.1-63.) Bowman objected, but the jurors remained innominate throughout the trial.

3. Trial and Motions for Judgment of Acquittal

At the close of the Government's case, Bowman moved for judgment of acquittal on all counts. The court granted the motion in part, entering judgment of acquittal on Count Seven and on two Racketeering Acts, numbers Five and Six. The court otherwise denied the motion. Bowman did not renew his motion at the close of all of the evidence.

The jury found Bowman guilty of Counts One through Six, Eight, and Ten and not guilty on Count Nine. The jury also found proved Racketeering Acts Two through Four and Seven through Seventeen. Bowman made a post-verdict motion for judgment of acquittal as to Count Four and Racketeering Acts Two, Eight, Thirteen, and Fifteen. (R.2-98.) The court granted the motion as to Racketeering Act Two but otherwise denied it.

Bowman stands convicted on Counts One, Two, Three, Four, Five, Six, Eight, and Ten. He also stands convicted of thirteen racketeering acts: Three is the murder of Raymond Chaffin; Four is the kidnapping of Irwin Nissen; Seven is the distribution of Valium; Eight is the kidnapping of Kevin Talley; Nine is the conspiracy to murder members of other motorcycle clubs; Ten is the bombing of the Warlocks clubhouse; Eleven is the bombing of the Hell's Henchmen clubhouse; Twelve is the conspiracy to destroy the Warlocks clubhouse in Brevard County; Thirteen is the assault on the Fifth Chapter Motorcycle Club; Fourteen is the conspiracy to murder members of the Warlocks; Fifteen is the murder of Don Fogg; Sixteen is the conspiracy to murder members of the Hell's Angels; and Seventeen is the distribution of various illegal substances.

4. Sentencing

Bowman was sentenced to concurrent terms of life imprisonment on Counts One and Two. He received twenty years each on Counts Three, Four, and Six, ten years each on Counts Five and Ten, and three years on Count Eight. These sentences were to run concurrently with his life sentence.

II. ISSUES ON APPEAL

Bowman raises three issues on appeal: (1) Whether the district court erred by denying his motion for judgment of acquittal based on insufficiency of the evidence; (2) Whether the district court abused its discretion by empaneling an innominate jury; and (3) Whether the district court abused its discretion by refusing to redact the whites-only statement in the Outlaws Constitution.

III. DISCUSSION

A. SUFFICIENCY OF THE EVIDENCE

Bowman made a post-verdict motion for judgment of acquittal, arguing that the evidence was not sufficient to support the jury's guilty verdicts. The district court denied the motion, and Bowman appeals. We review the denial of a motion for judgment of acquittal de novo. United States v. Perez-Tosta, 36 F.3d 1552, 1556 (11th Cir. 1994). When the motion raises a challenge to the sufficiency of the evidence, we review the sufficiency of the evidence de novo, drawing all reasonable inferences in the Government's favor. Id.2 A review of the record indicates that the evidence against Bowman was sufficient on all counts of conviction, and only Count Four and Racketeering Acts Eight, Thirteen, and Fifteen warrant discussion.

Count Four and Racketeering Act Thirteen charge Bowman with ordering the assault on members of the Fifth Chapter Motorcycle Club. In support of the count, the Government offered the testimony of Hicks, who was, for a time, Bowman's right-hand man. Hicks testified that, after Bowman saw a picture in the newspaper of an FCMC member hugging a Hell's Angel, Bowman was enraged and told Hicks to return to Florida. (R.15 at 121-22.) Upon Hicks's return to Florida, he was to meet with the FCMC, shove the newspaper in the president's mouth, and shut down the FCMC. (R.15 at 122.) Hicks understood "shut down" to mean the assaults and threats of violence that were issued to the FCMC. (R.15 at 124.) Although the assault was ultimately carried out by Lemunyon rather than Hicks, the jury could infer that Lemunyon was following Hicks's, and thus Bowman's, order. This evidence was sufficient to support the jury's verdict on this count.

Racketeering Act Eight accuses Bowman of participating in the kidnapping of Kevin Talley. Bowman argues that there is no evidence indicating that he ordered the Outlaws to restrain Talley against his will. However, Murphy testified that Bowman issued an order that Talley be brought to Detroit and locked in the Detroit clubhouse. (R.22 at 100.) Hicks and Talley also testified that Talley was indeed brought to the Detroit clubhouse and was not free to leave. (R.15 at 79; R.24 at 75- 76.) This testimony is sufficient to support Bowman's conviction.

Racketeering Act Fifteen concerns the murder of Don Fogg. Hicks testified that Bowman, at a presidents meeting, reported that there was a snitch among them and that the snitch would be killed. (R.15 at 124.) The murder would be staged to appear as if an enemy had committed it, and the Outlaws would hold a regular Outlaws funeral. (R.15 at 124-25.) Fogg was murdered, a story was circulated that an enemy had done it, and a regular funeral was held. (R.15 at 125-26.) Later, Bowman told Hicks that Fogg was the snitch he had mentioned at the meeting. (R.15 at 128.) The jury could reasonably infer from this evidence that Bowman ordered Fogg's murder.

Because the evidence was sufficient on all counts of conviction, we find Bowman's challenge to the district court's denial of his motion for judgment of acquittal to be without merit.

B. INNOMINATE JURY

The district court sua sponte decided to empanel an innominate jury and entered an order detailing its reasons. Bowman objected to the use of an innominate jury and, on appeal, argues that the district court abused its discretion by using one in this case. The district court's decision to empanel an innominate jury is reviewed for an abuse of discretion. United States v. Ross, 33 F.3d 1507, 1519 (11th Cir. 1994).

The district court has the discretion to empanel an innominate jury upon a showing of a combination of several factors, including (1) the defendant's involvement in organized crime, (2) the defendant's participation in a group with the capacity to harm jurors, (3) the defendant's past attempts to interfere with the judicial process, (4) the potential that, if convicted, the defendant will suffer a lengthy incarceration and substantial monetary penalties, and (5) extensive publicity that enhances the possibility that jurors' names may become public and expose them to intimidation or harassment. Ross, 33 F.3d at 1520.

In this case, all of the Ross factors were present to some degree. Bowman was accused of being the international president of a motorcycle gang that had a history of violent conduct. The Outlaws, on several occasions, interfered with the judicial process by seeking to intimidate witnesses into not testifying against them and by observing and reporting on the testimony that witnesses did give. Bowman himself was accused of kidnapping Talley and murdering Don Fogg to punish them for their communication with law-enforcement authorities. Furthermore, Bowman was facing a life sentence, and his capture and trial had already garnered a significant amount of publicity. While Bowman argues that the Outlaws had no history of juror intimidation, jurors had been accosted by members of the news media in prior trials involving the Outlaws. Under these circumstances, the district court did not abuse its discretion by empaneling an innominate jury.

Bowman argues that the district court nevertheless abused its discretion by failing to give the jury a special instruction regarding the unusual voir-dire procedure. Bowman is correct that the district court gave such an instruction in Ross and that the instruction was said to have eliminated any potential prejudice that the procedure might have caused in that case. See Ross, 33 F.3d at 1521-22. While the jury may have benefitted from a similar instruction in this case, the district court's failure to give the instruction does not warrant reversal. Because Bowman did not request such an instruction, he waived any right he had to the instruction and may not be heard to complain now absent plain error. See United States v. Zlatogur, 271 F.3d 1025, 1030 (11th Cir. 2001) (explaining that failure to request instruction precludes reversal absent plain error which "significantly and substantially" prejudices defendant); United States v. Vario, 943 F.2d 236, 241 (2d Cir. 1991) (discussing waiver of instruction on anonymous jury where defendant failed to object to charge given). In any event, the evidence against Bowman was overwhelming, and the lack of an instruction did not affect his substantial rights.

C. REDACTION OF THE WHITES-ONLY POLICY

The Outlaws Constitution states that only white males may be members. During its search of various Outlaws clubhouses, the FBI seized copies of the Outlaws Constitution, four of which contained this provision. In the first indictment against Bowman, the Government included the whites-only policy among its allegations. The court struck this allegation as irrelevant. At trial, the Government introduced the seized Constitutions, attempting to show a unity of purpose among the various Outlaws chapters. Bowman objected to the documents and asked the court to strike the whites-only policy from them. (R.10 at 174-75 & 202; R.12 at 12; R.29 at 6.) The court refused to do so. When the Government published the documents on an overhead projector at trial, the whites-only policy was visible to the jury. (R.10 at 177.) Bowman argues on appeal that the district court should have stricken the whites-only policy and that its admission was inflammatory and prejudicial. We review the district court's evidentiary rulings for an abuse of discretion. United States v. Mills, 138 F.3d 928, 935 (11th Cir. 1998).

Bowman mounts his attack under Federal Rule of Evidence 403, which states that, "[a]lthough relevant, evidence may be excluded if its probative value is substantially outweighed by the danger of unfair prejudice, confusion of the issues, or misleading the jury, or by considerations of undue delay, waste of time, or needless presentation of cumulative evidence." Fed. R. Evid. 403. Since Bowman was not charged with any racially- motivated crimes, his allegiance to a racist organization is not relevant to his guilt or innocence in this case. Still, the repetition of the policy was not entirely irrelevant since it tended to show the uniformity of the Outlaws enterprise. But there was other evidence of this uniformity, as many of the constitutional provisions were repeated; each of the constitutions for instance, included the requirements that Outlaws must be twenty-one years-old and own their own motorcycles. Because it was cumulative, the evidence of the whites-only policy had limited probative value.

This limited probative value was, in our view, outweighed by the danger of unfair prejudice. The uneasy racial history of criminal law in the United States has yielded a simple rule-of- thumb: "There is no place in a criminal prosecution for gratuitous references to race, especially when a defendant's life hangs in the balance. Elementary concepts of equal protection and due process alike forbid a prosecutor to seek to procure a verdict on the basis of racial animosity." Smith v. Farley, 59 F.3d 659, 663 (7th Cir. 1995). In this case, the Government, whose interest "is not that it shall win a case, but that justice shall be done," Berger v. United States, 295 U.S. 78, 88, 55 S. Ct. 629, 633 (1935), should have scrupulously avoided the possibility that the jury's verdict might be clouded by racial issues. Furthermore, the court could have, and should have, prevented the injection of racial issues by simply redacting the whites-only policy.

Nevertheless, the whites-only policy comprised but a single phrase in a single sentence on each of four documents admitted into evidence. Over the course of the trial, these four phrases became buried in the mountain of documentary evidence against Bowman, which included thousands of documents and photographs. Furthermore, over fifty witnesses testified regarding Bowman's criminal activity. Since the evidence against Bowman was overwhelming, and the whites-only policy was but a brief flicker in Bowman's month-long trial, the admission of the policy, while error, did not affect Bowman's substantial rights. See Fed. R. Crim. P. 52.

IV. CONCLUSION

Because we find no reversible error in Bowman's convictions, his convictions are affirmed.

AFFIRMED.

See also: Operation Ice Breaker, Outlaws Motorcycle Club

OPERATION ICE BREAKER

2009-08-21T13:13:00.000-07:00

Meth Ring linked to Outlaws MC

State authorities in Philadelphia, PA busted an alleged drug trafficking ring which included the arrest of several reputed members of the Outlaws Motorcycle Club.

The crystal meth ring allegedly moved 28 pounds of methamphetamine in just a seven-month period, from the end of last year into early this year. In all, authorities say, the drugs distributed by the ring were worth $5 million. Pennsylvania attorney general Tom Corbett says William Lees of Tulip Street in the Port Richmond neighborhood of Philadelphia was in charge, receiving drugs from as far away from Mexico: "As the investigation progressed, agents learned that Lees was distributing crystal methamphetamine to several members of the Outlaws motorcycle gang." Corbett says a search of the home of Thomas Zaroff Jr., Philadelphia chapter president of the Outlaws, found digital scales and over $200,000 cash. It's his second scrape with the law in just three years. In 34 other searches, authorities seized more than eight pounds of meth, almost three pounds of cocaine, and a quarter-pound of bulk heroin.

Attorney General's Press Release and News Conference

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Members of the Outlaws Motorcycle gang charged

Download Identity and Photos of Defendants

Jeffrey “Death Row” Hampton, 36, 229 Maple Ave., Westville, New Jersey, is charged with 250 counts of criminal use of a communication facility, 75 counts of possession with the intent to deliver, 74 counts of criminal conspiracy, 75 counts of dealing in unlawful proceeds, one count of former felon not to possess a firearm and one count of corrupt organizations.

William “Hallzie” Hall, 52, 3022 Janney St., Philadelphia, is charged with three counts of possession with the intent to deliver, three counts of criminal conspiracy, three counts of dealing in unlawful proceeds, two counts of criminal use of a communication facility and one count of corrupt organizations.

Jeffrey “Santa Claus” Taylor, 54, 39 Paducah Road, Easthampton, New Jersey, is charged with 66 counts of criminal use of a communications facility, 15 counts of possession with the intent to deliver, 15 counts of criminal conspiracy, 15 counts of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

Stephen “45” Conner, 54, 1102 Wall Ave., Burlington Township, New Jersey, is charged with 61 counts of criminal use of a communication facility, 17 counts of possession with the intent to deliver, 17 counts of criminal conspiracy, 17 counts of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

Charles “Panhead” Rees, 53, 1326 Markley St., Norristown, is charged with 31 counts of criminal use of a communication facility, 24 counts of possession with the intent to deliver, 24 counts of criminal conspiracy, 24 counts of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

Thomas “The Boss” Zaroff, Jr., 36, 3964 Richmond St., Philadelphia is charged with10 counts of criminal use of a communication facility, one count of dealing in unlawful proceed and one count of corrupt organizations.

Christopher “Junior” Custer, 35, 4 Colonial Circle, Norristown, is charged with 31 counts of criminal use of a communication facility, 20 counts of possession with the intent to deliver, 20 counts of criminal conspiracy, 10 counts of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

Norman “Stormin Norman” Taylor, 45, 305 Spring St., Royersford, is charged with one count of possession with the intent to deliver, one count of criminal conspiracy, one count of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

Danielle “Cleaver” Bodine, 25, 1326 Markley St., Norristown, is charged with 14 counts of criminal use of a communication facility, one count of possession with the intent to deliver, one count of criminal conspiracy, one count of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

Shawn Ruppert, 25, 6235 Cttage St., Philadelphia, is charged with seven counts of criminal use of a communications facility, four counts of possession with the intent to deliver, four counts of criminal conspiracy, one count of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

James Banks, 42, 3121 N. Janney St., Philadelphia, is charged with 42 counts of criminal use of a communication facility, 35 counts of possession with the intent to deliver, 35 counts of criminal conspiracy, 18 counts of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

Joseph “Joey DP” Slusarczyk, 52, 3224 Miller St., Philadelphia, is charged with 70 counts of criminal use of a communication facility, 15 counts of possession with the intent to deliver, 15 counts of criminal conspiracy, 15 counts of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

Ryan Sangiovanni, 40, 3131 Rt. 38, Mt. Laurel, New Jersey, is charged with 29 counts of criminal use of a communication facility, 10 counts of possession with the intent to deliver, 10 counts of criminal conspiracy, 10 counts of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

Jolanta “Preacher’s Daughter” Polasik, 26, 11807 Stevens Road, Philadelphia, is charged with 35 counts of possession, 34 counts of criminal use of a communication facility, three counts of criminal conspiracy, three counts of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

Michael Ivins, 47, 130 Ridge Road, Southampton, New Jersey, is charged with seven counts of criminal use of a communication facility, three counts of possession with the intent to deliver, three counts of criminal conspiracy, one count of dealing in unlawful proceeds and one count of corrupt organizations.

See also: Harry Bowman , Outlaws Motorcycle Club

Leo Felton

2009-08-21T03:45:00.000-07:00

Leo Vincelette Felton (born 1970, Silver Spring, Maryland) is an American white supremacist who was convicted of bank robbery and plotting to blow up Jewish and black landmarks around Boston. He is one quarter African American. He has stated that he no longer believes wholeheartedly in the white supremacist cause, but he has not renounced or distanced himself from his former views. Felton wrote a letter in which he criticized his parents and said he is "ever an unrepentant enemy of the multicultural myth."

Leo Felton's father

Leo Felton's father, Calvin Felton (b. 1930), is of mixed race and considers himself black, while his mother, Corinne Vincelette (b. 1931), is a former nun who became involved in the civil rights movement and had a Jewish grandparent. His parents divorced when he was two, and his mother came out as a lesbian and started a relationship with a Jewish woman. Felton was institutionalized at age 10 by his mother (both he and his father say this was unnecessary), and thereafter he committed a series of petty thefts, which he has attributed to a combination of institutionalisation and "aggressive black DNA". During his middle to late adolescence, Felton spent several years as a so-called 2 Tone non-racist skinhead in the multicultural punk and skinhead underground of Washington, DC; during which time he repeatedly came into conflict with white power skinhead gangs of nearby Baltimore. During this period, Felton had many Jewish and African American friends and associates including the sister of DC area murderer Samuel Sheinbein.

Felton spent 11 years (1990-2001) in prison for the attempted murder of a taxi driver during a road rage incident. According to Felton, his incarceration provided him with an opportunity to observe how different races reacted when integration was enforced and societal stigmas over racism were not in action to civilize conduct. He claims that white people in prison were under a continual state of siege by people of other races, and that he was welcomed by whites, while blacks tried to rape him. His prison sentence was extended for attacking two blacks who made sexual advances. In prison, he became an organizer for white supremacist groups, organizing book reviews and exercise while obscuring his ancestry. He found inspiration from the White Order of Thule and read Francis Parker Yockey's Imperium, which led him to believe that race was spiritual instead of biological.

Out of prison and married, Felton began an affair with Erica Chase, a 21 year old white supremacist. Felton robbed a bank with a friend from prison and forged money in order to buy materials to create a fertilizer bomb. It is unclear what the target was to be. He also wanted to assassinate high profile black people and Jews such as Jesse Jackson and Steven Spielberg. An attendant at a donut shop spotted a counterfeit $20 Chase tried to pass him. He alerted an off-duty Boston police officer, who then arrested Chase and Felton. Felton was sentenced to 21 years in 2002 for bank robbery, conspiracy to commit bank robbery and other crimes. After learning of his ancestry, many of Felton's comrades agreed to testify against him.

LEO FELTON AND THE WHITE ORDER OF THULE

At thirty, Leo Felton was already a tragic figure when he left prison in January. Although he was the child of an inter-racial couple, Felton had a lengthy history of racist violence. The heavily tattooed young man spent the previous eleven years in prison for nearly killing a black cab driver in New York and for slitting the throats of two fellow black inmates. During his stay in prison, he discovered two things: the White Order of Thule and Erica Chase.

The White Order of Thule (WOT) gave Felton’s racist rage focus. WOT is an esoteric neo-Nazi outfit that published Fenris Wolf and was known inside prison walls for its violence. Felton received copies of Fenris Wolf while in a New York penitentiary and became a WOT member. (For more on the White Order of Thule, see Searchlight, October 2000).

The White Order of Thule also gave Felton a partner-in-crime. Through the pages of Fenris Wolf, Felton became prison pen pals with Erica Chase, a teenager who moved from New Hampshire to Indiana after high school. The two quickly began plotting their “racial holy war.”

Like The Order, the infamous neo-Nazi terror group, the two began counterfeiting money to bankroll their terror campaign. Upon his parole in January, Felton purchased a computer and set to work producing bogus bills, which he sent to Chase in Indiana. Chase used the money to get to Boston, where the two lived together until their arrest on April 19 after passing phony currency at a Dunkin’ Donuts.

On 20 June, Felton and Chase were indicted in an alleged plot to bomb the New England Holocaust Memorial and several other targets. According to the indictment, Felton had purchased 50 pounds of ammonium nitrate and other bomb-making supplies. The pair will stand trial later this year.

The full tragedy of Felton’s story is spelled out in a handwritten 4-page letter to the Boston Herald, where Felton denounced his parents and by extension himself, “What they did in comingling (sic) their blood was wrong. Evil, even. A government that permits such conduct is also, to that extent, wrong.”

Felton closed the letter written from his jail cell with an homage to the writings Order member David Lane, with the phrase, “I remain, damned and defiant.” However, with his “secret” racial identity exposed, fellow racists immediately ostracized Felton. Nonetheless, he remains steadfast, “I am what I am. Contaminated, falsely condemned, and alienated from my comrades. But a lover of Nature (sic) nonetheless, and a lover of the West, and ever an unrepentant enemy of the multicultural myth,” he wrote.

Northsiders

2009-08-16T21:44:00.000-07:00

Aryan Circle

2009-08-16T21:04:00.000-07:00

The Aryan Circle, founded in 1985, was an organized white supremacy group which was allegedly created within the Texas Department of Corrections prisons. This was a splinter group of the Texas Aryan Brotherhood, formed within the Correctional System to protect white prisoners.

The AC is often confused with the AB, the older, wider spread and vastly more infamous rival. Although the two gangs have similar names and iconography there are substantial differences in their history, organizational structure and ideology.

Once concentrated solely in Texas, the AC currently operates inside and outside prisons in at least 13 other states, according to law enforcement officials. The gang is more ideologically driven by a white nationalist revolutionary agenda than other white prison gangs. Beliefs of the AC include separation of the white race from all others for the betterment and preservation of the race. They consider their enemies to be all who are against them and those who attempt to oppress them. The AC have now been designated as a Security Threat Group and members, when identified, are place in administrative segregation.

Insane Gangster Disciples

2009-08-16T21:03:00.000-07:00

Insane Gangster Disciples are white kids who grew up admiring the hip-hop life, and once in custody found themselves face-to-face with the real thing: thus they dare not call themselves “real” Gangster Disciples, they call themselves “Insane Gangster Disciples”, aka White kids in the GD-identified gang. They get their “literature” right over the Internet, or through the GD book: Blueprint for Growth and Development. They do exist by the same name independently of the GD’s, but they are in many respects spouting the same language and symbols as their Black GD counterparts. Sometimes, in prison, though, real GD’s do not want anything to do with “wannabe” white GD’s such as Insane GD’s. But the real GD will always take any pleasure or advantage offered in respect from an Insane white GD. It's basic economics: it is an economic advantage to the real GD gang to have wannabe white GD’s in the wings offering free goods and services, thus the Insane GD gang is “tolerated” as a kind of white bread “auxiliary unit”. Within the real prison-based Gangster Disciple gangs, the black members generally view the IGD’s as subservient flunkies.

Identifiers/symbols:

* initials "IGD" or "974"
* six-point star
* pitchforks
* heart w/wings
* devil horns
* 3-point king's crown (or imperial style)
* devil's tail
* number[s] six, 360, and 720

Hat turned to the right side (pant leg up, shoe untied, earring, etc).

Oakland Raiders (team) clothing is common and they often carry bandannas with gang colors.

Colors: black, blue, white, and grey

Ethnicity: predominantly white

Territory: Midwest (not in Chicago), and southern states

Allies: Folk Nation (Simon City Royals, GD's, Latin Disciples, etc) , Crips

Rivals: People Nation (Latin Kings, Vice Lords, etc), Bloods

Criminal activities: drug dealing, burglary, vandalism, weapons violation, robbery, assault

IGD FOLK STACKING

Stacking is the act of throwing up gang signs while throwing down rival gang signs to show disrespect.

FOLK STACKING
http://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=folk+stacking

FOLK STACCIN
http://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=folk+staccin

Dead Man Inc.

2009-08-16T20:52:00.000-07:00

The roman numerals IX-XIII-IX ( 4-13-9 ) represent the letters DMI in the alphabet.

According to the members, the gang was started by a man named Perry Roark, who court records show is from Bel Air and is currently being held at the Maryland Correctional Adjustment Center, known as Supermax. Roark, who is white, wanted to join the established Black Guerrilla Family, and though he was respected and knew BGF members, he was not allowed to join because of his race. So he started Dead Man Inc. in the late 1990s to serve as a white off-shoot of the BGF. The main beliefs were anti-government and anti-religion; homosexuals, rapists and snitches need not apply, members said.

The History Channel's "Gangland" series focused on Maryland's Dead Man Inc. The show listed two other co-founders - James Sweeney and Brian Jordan - who were sent to facilities in Texas and Louisiana, respectively, to break up the gangs activities. But according to the narrator, that only served to spread DMI's influence. The show claimed that DMI has 10,000 members nationwide.

Among those interviewed on camera from behind prison walls were Ricky Tolson, 30, who said he is an "elder" in the gang, and a man named Kristopher "Little Kris" Horner. According to the state's inmate locater, Horner is being held at the Maryland Correctional Institute in Hagerstown, while Tolson has apparently been released since his interview.

Tolson said DMI was in a recent "downward spiral because of infiltration by a lot of people who shouldn't be involved." Tolson, Horner and another member named William Kern said the gang was being overrun by new members who didn't share the group's core values and wouldn't back up others in fights. Members were committing acts of violence against fellow members, and no one knew who to trust. Tolson displayed scars from a stabbing carried out by a fellow member.

Roark (the gang's leader) handed down an edict that members not abiding by the rules, or those who illegitimately claimed membership, had until April 13, 2009 to get out or face consequences.

Law enforcement officers said the gang is headed for a turning point. Roark wants to keep the status quo and keep the gang affiliated with the BGF. But Sweeney, who is being held in Texas, wants the gang to move more toward white extremism.

A faction of DMI, known as POA or Power Over All is moving into the white racist prison gang movement and has made alliances with the Aryan Brotherhood.

DTID = Deadman Till I Die

Pitbull DAWG and the word "SOLDIER"
DAWG = DMI Against World Government

Gangland: Dead Man Inc. (video)

Simon City Royals

2009-08-16T20:36:00.000-07:00

The Simon City Royals (SCR’s) were a major northside Chicago street gang. The SCR’s in the mid-1970's found their leadership prosecuted, convicted, and doing time in Illinois Department of Corrections. The SCR’s had great drug connections, and the GD’s (a predominantly black gang) had the best “clout” in terms of protection inside the prisons. Larry Hoover extended a unique cross-racial “gang alliance” to the SCR’s under a quid pro quo arrangement: the GD’s would be able to buy SCR drugs at established discount prices (SCR drug connections provided a better quality product in terms of the purity of the drug, e.g., cocaine in particular), and in return the SCR would be considered “folks” just like the GD’s, and thus all GD’s would be required to “protect” their fellow folks, even if these “folks” were white. To the SCR’s, this was a remarkably good deal: and the SCR’s quickly folded into the GD alliance. The SCR’s became a folks gang, and they developed a formalized constitution with the “six points” alliance (Folks).

Identifiers/symbols:

* the letter "R"
* initials "SCR"
* latin cross w/three dashes
* rabbit head w/right ear bent
* the phrase "no pity"
* six-point star (seldom used)
* pitchforks (seldom used)

Hat turned to the right side (pant leg up, shoe untied, earring, etc).

Kansas City Royals (team) clothing is common and they often carry blue bandannas.

Colors: black and blue

Ethnicity: white and hispanic [predominantly white outside of Chicago]

Territory: Chicago area, Midwest, and southern states

Allies: Folk Nation (Gangster Disciples, Latin Disciples, etc)

Rivals: People Nation (Gaylords, Latin Kings, Vice Lords, etc)

Criminal activities: drug dealing, burglary, robbery, weapons violation, assault, murder

See also: Insane Gangster Disciples

Guard gets probation in Simon City Royals case

By Crocker Stephenson of the Journal Sentinel

Posted: Aug. 3, 2009

A prison guard recruited by the Simon City Royals street gang to smuggle contraband into the Racine Correctional Institution was sentenced Monday to three years of probation.

In making the probation recommendation, Assistant District Attorney Grant Huebner told Milwaukee County Circuit Judge Kevin Martens that the now former guard, John Champion, has been instrumental in the Simon City Royals investigation.

He noted that Champion, as a former prison guard, would be highly motivated to follow the terms of his probation and avoid incarceration.

"I am deeply ashamed of my actions," Champion told Martens.

Champion, 40, of Oak Creek, was one of 15 members and one associate of the Royals charged in September with a variety of offenses, including racketeering, loan-sharking, drug dealing and battery.

In June, Champion pleaded guilty to one felony count of delivering illegal articles to an inmate.

Champion joined the gang in 2005, when the head of the gang's Wisconsin chapter, Anthony Lubrano, was an inmate in Racine.

Champion supplied Lubrano with pornography, cigarettes, pills and marijuana.

Lubrano has pleaded guilty to racketeering and was sentenced in May to four years in prison.

Peckerwoods

2009-08-16T20:18:00.000-07:00

The term Peckerwood was coined in the 19th century. It was a derogatory term used by Southern blacks to describe poor and/or rural Southern whites. Blacks viewed the blackbird as a symbol of themselves, and viewed the redheaded woodpecker as a representation of whites. In the 1940s, the term "wood" became part of California prison slang and, in the early 1970s, was used to refer to white prison inmates, who were willing to fight to avoid being raped or robbed. Inmates eventually made the term peckerwood a source of pride. In the late 1980's, recruitment of young men and women in many of the nation's prisons helped lead to the emergence of pro-white street gangs similar to Skinheads. Women in this movement are called Featherwoods (women skinheads are called "Skinbyrds" - "Birds").

The typical Peckerwood gang has approximately 5 to 20 members who range in age from their early teens to their mid-20s. Most of these gangs lack leadership and structure. The Peckerwoods exhibit the standard Aryan symbols in various manners to denote their support of white supremacy ideology. In addition to these symbols, their tattoos usually display the phrases "Peckerwood," "Pure Peckerwood," "100% Pure Wood," "Pure Peck," "Pure Wood," "Peckerwood Inc," "Peckerwood Tribe," "100% Peckerwood," or images of the woodpecker bird to indicate set affiliation. Clay Smith's "Mr. Horsepower" logo, and Woody Woodpecker tattoos are popular with Peckerwoods.

Clay Smith's "Mr. Horsepower"

Woody Woodpecker

Peckerwoods are similar to Skinheads except for one major difference. Drugs. Neo-Nazi Skinheads are completely against any type of drug use. Peckerwoods, much like typical street gangs, make much of their money from the sale of drugs. The "Peckerwood style" is derived from both Latino gangs (Pendleton shirts and baggy pants) and Skinheads (Doc Marten boots, flight jackets, and in some instances, shaven heads).

Criminal activities perpetrated by Peckerwoods include theft, burglaries, vehicle thefts, weapon charges and possession and sale of narcotics. They have also been known to be involved in numerous racially motivated assaults and murders.

The San Fernando Valley Peckerwoods (SVP) in California was a criminally motivated skinhead group. SVP members primarily sold meth-amphetamines and committed residential burglaries. Periodically, SVP members attacked minorities with weapons and, on one occasion, placed packages resembling bombs near an apartment complex where black people lived. Members intended for the fake bombs to frighten current residents to relocate and to discourage other black families from moving into the complex.


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